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JU15T OI A !«• vCS ••• ••• ••• ••■ ■•• ••• ••• •■■ V 

List of Illustrations in the Text vii 

Liverpool University Institute of Archaeology : List of Officers, 
Committees and Staff. Programme of Lectures ix 

Some Notes on Homeric Armour. Maurice S. Thompson, B.A. ... I 

Catalogue of Jettons or Casting Counters, for use on the Counting- 
Board or Chequer, at the Institute of Archaeology in the 
University of Liverpool. F. P. Barnard, M.A 20 

Second Interim Report on the Excavations at Sakje-Geuzi, in North 
Syria, 191 1. John Garstang, M.A., D.Sc. 63 

Third Interim Report on the Excavations at Meroe. John Garstang, 

JLYA.XA*, i/lUvi ... ... ... ... ... .a. .*• •■• I J 

The Linen Girdle of Rameses HI. Thorold D. Lee, B.Sc. ... 84 

Supplementary List of Jettons. F. P. Barnard, M.A. 97 

Note on a Vase of Minoan Fabric from Abydos (Egypt). John 
Garstang, M.A., D.Sc 107 

Are we justified in speaking of a Megalithic Race ? T. Eric Peet, 

O *x\. •■• ■•• ... ••• . . . •■• * . . ••• ti« 11* 

A Cypriote Fibula of the Early Iron Age, now in the Ashmolean 
Museum. John L. Myres, M.A 129 

Some Cults of Prehistoric Egypt. Percy E. Newberry, M.A. ... 132 

List of Vases with Cult-Signs. Percy E. Newberry, M.A 137 

&nuex ... ... ... ... ... ••• ... ... ... iAj 



I. Jettons or Casting Counters. 

II. Jettons or Casting Counters. 

HI. Sakje Geuzi : The Royal City : Plan of the Palace and Enclosure. 

IV. „ Songrus Eyuk : The Mound at the beginning of 

Excavations, 191 1. 
V. „ „ North End : Superposed Walls 

and Postern. 

VI. „ Jobba Eyuk : West Side of the Main Gateway, 

showing corner-stone and 
Steps leading up to the Ramparts 
from Palace Courtyard. 

VI. Meroe : The Royal City at the End of Season 1911-12. 

VII. „ Plan of the Royal Baths, 191 2. 

VIII. „ The Royal Baths : The Tepidarium, showing the seats. 

The swimming and shower-bath. 

IX. „ Statues from the Baths : Two Figures from a Corner of 

Palace 295. 
A Meroitic Venus. 

X. „ Classical Remains, etc. : View of the Small Prostyle 

Torso, presumably of Augustus. 
Vase-stand of Pottery, designed 
like a palm tree. 
XI. The Girdle of Rameses HI. 

XII. Jettons or Casting Counters. 

XIII. Abydos : Vase of Cretan Fabric from an Egyptian Tomb. 

XIV. „ Selected Group of Objects from the Tomb Deposit. 

XV. Map to show the Distribution of Megalithic Monuments in Europe, 
Africa and Western Asia. 

XVI. A Cypriote Fibula of the Early Iron Age. 
















Plan of Prostyle Temple 

Linen Girdle of Rameses HI, figs, i, 2 and 3 

fi g- 4 




9 and 10 

Megalithic Tomb at Annaclochmullin, Ireland 

Holed Dolmen at Ala Safat, Syria 

Decorated Vase (Newberry Coll.) fig. 1 

Boat on a Vase in the Ashmolean Museum, fig. 

The Sacred Perch, fig. 3 

Sacred Boats, fig. 4 (a) Palermo Stone 

(b) Pyramid Texts 

Emblem of the Harpoon Nome, fig. 5 

The Flamingo, fig. 6 

Cult-signs on a Vase (MacGregor Coll.) fig. 7 (a) 

Cult-signs on a Dagger Handle (Cairo Museum) fig. 












x 34 








(FOUNDED JUNE 13, 1904; 

H.R.H. Princess Henry of Battinbirc 

The Earl of Dsrby The Countess of Derby 


Ralph Brocklebank, Esq. William Johnston, Esq. 

The Rt. Hon. Sir John Brunner, Professor Eduard Meyer 

Bart., M.P. Rev. W. Macgrecor, M.A., F.S.A. 

Professor Boyd Dawkins, F.R.S. J ohn Rankin, Esq. 

F. C. Danson, Esq., F.S.A. Professor Ridgeway, D.Sc. 

Arthur J. Evans, Esq., F.R.S. Rev. Professor A. H. Sayce, M.A. 

Genital Committee 

Lady Forwood Professor Kuno Meyer 

Lady Hill Robert Mond, Esq., M.A. 

Mrs. Grant Professor Newberry, MA. 

Mrs. Rankin Herbert Rathbone, Esq. 

Mrs. Rathbone A. L. Rea, Esq. 

Mrs. J. Smith Rev. M. Linton Smith, M.A. 

The Lord Bishop of Liverpool James Smith, Esq. 

The Vice-Chancellor -, , . Ah r lA . * A 

C. J. Allen, Esq. Mmbm °f the Facult y "* ArU : 

Professor Bosanquet, M.A., F.S.A. Professor E. T. Campagnac (Dean) 

Professor Caton, M.D. Professor Mackay, M.A., LL.D. 

Sir John Gray Hill Professor Muir, M.A. 

C. Sydney Jones, Esq. Professor Reilly,M.A.,A.R.I.B.A. 

Professor Lehmann-Haupt Professor Postgate, M.A. 

Hon. Treasurer Hon. Auditors 

W. Grisewood, Esq. W. Grisewood & Son 

Hon. Secretary 
Professor J. Garstang, M.A., D.Sc. 

Assistant Secretary 
Miss M. E. Williams 

Bank of Liverpool, Ltd., Heywood's Branch 





The Rt. Hon. Sir John T. Brunner, 

F. C. Danion, Esq., F.S.A. 
John Rankin, Esq. 
Professor Bosanquet 

C. S. Jones, Esq. 

Professor Newberry 

A. L. Rea, Esq. 

W. Grisewood, Esq., Hon. Treasurer 

Professor Garstang, Han. Secretary 

Excavations in the 

Freiherr von Busing (Munich) 
Rt. Hon. Sir John T. Brother, 

Sir William Lever, Bart. 
Rev. W. Macgrecor, M.A. 
J. Milrot, Esq. 
Capt. Moncrief 
Robert Mond, Esq., M.A. 
Major E. Rhodes, D.S.O. 
James Smith, Esq. 

Sudan, Meroe, 191 3 

Hermann Strauss, Esq. 
D. J. Vallance 

(Royal Scottish Museums) 
Sir Edmund Walker (Toronto) 
A. R. Waddell, Esq. 
H. S. Wellcome, Esq. 
Wm. Grisewood, Esq. 

Hon. Auditor 
A. L. Rea, Esq., Hon. Treasurer 

Hittite Excavations 

R. Brocklebank, Esq., J.P. 
The Rt. Hon. Sir John Brunner, 

Freiherr von Bissing (Munich) 
C. Sydney Jones, Esq. 
Rev. W. Magregor, M.A. 
Claude G. Montefiore 
Sir Edwin Pears (Constantinople) 

Major E. Rhodes, D.S.O. 
Rev. Prof. H. Sayce, D.Litt. 
James Smith, Esq. 
Henry S. Wellcome, Esq. 
Robert Mond, Esq., M.A. 

(Hon. Treasurer) 
W. Grisewood & Son (Auditors) 

Excavations in British Honduras 

Professor Bosanquet 

F. C. Danion, Esq., F.S.A. 

Professor Mackay 

Professor Myres, Hon. Secretary 

Professor Newberry 

A. L. Rea, Esq., Hon. Treasurer 



Classical Archaeology : Professorship instituted in 1906 

Egyptology : Professorship founded by Sir John Brunner in 1907 

Methods and Practice of Archaeology : Professorship founded by 

Mr. John Rankin in 1907 

JOHN GARSTANG, M.A., B.Litt., D.Sc, F.S.A. 
(reader in egtftian arcbaeoloct, 1902) 

Social Anthropology : Professorship instituted in 1907 

Mediaeval Archaeology : Professorship instituted in 1908 


Assyriology : T. G. PINCHES, LL.D. (appointed 1904) 
Numismatics: J. GRAFTON MILNE, M.A. (appointed 1907) 
Central American Archaeology : T. W. GANN, M.D. (appointed 1908) 
Oriental History : C. F. LEHMANN-HAUPT (appointed 1912) 





Public Lectures ' Sources of Ancient History. 9 

• The Egyptian Scarab.' 

Special Lectures ' Early History of Medicine.' 

University Course. ' Outlines of Egyptian Archaeology. 9 


Special Lectures * Delphi/ * Olympia,' and * Delos.' 


Public Lecture ' Recent Discoveries in Egypt.' 

Special Lectures 'Eleusis,* 'Corinth, 9 'Troy.' 


Public Lectures * Modern Research in Assyria and Western Asia. 9 

• The Methods and Practice of Archaeology.' 

University Course ' Outlines of Egyptian History and Archaeology. 9 


Special Lectures * Greek Art.' 

• Historical Relations of Palestine with Arabia, 

Babylonia, Egypt and Assyria. 9 


Public Lectures * Sparta. 9 

• Tlie Hittites from the Monuments.* 

University Courses . . .' Introduction to the Study of Antiquity. 9 

• Outlines of the History of Greek Art. 9 

• Rome : Republic and Empire. 9 


University Courses . . .' Chronology of Ancient Egypt. 9 

• Outlines of the History of Greek Art. 9 
'Athens in the Fifth Century B.C. 9 

• Interpretation of Roman Monuments. 9 

Public Course ' Gods of Healing in Egypt and Greece. 9 


University Courses ...' Introduction to the Study of Antiquity. 9 

'Greece in the Fifth Century b.c. 9 
' Civilisation of Ancient Rome. 9 

Public Courses ' The Gods of Greece. 9 

'The Progress of Exploration. 9 

• • 



Public Courses 'The History of Ancient Egypt.* 

' Geographical Conditions of Mediterranean Civil- 
'Archaeological Problems in the Classical Texts 
prescribed for the Arts Course.' 


University Course ...' Athens in the Age of Pericles. 9 

Public Courses 'Recent Discoveries in Greek Lands.' 

' Outlines of Egyptian Archaeology.' 


University Courses ...' Outlines of the History of Antiquity.' 

• Greece in the Fifth Century B.C.' 

' The Roman Empire B.C. 31 — a.d. 180.' 
' Greek Vase-paintings.' 

* Language and Literature of Ancient Egypt.' 

Public Courses 'History of Egypt from the Eighteenth Dynasty 

to the Ptolemaic period.' 

' Geographical Conditions of Mediterranean Civil- 

' Embroideries of Greek Lands and the Near East.' 


University Courses . . .' Outlines of the History of Antiquity.' 

' Greece in the Fifth Century B.C.' 
'The Roman Empire b.c. 31 — a.d. 180.' 

Public Course ' Some Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture.' 


University Courses ...' Greek Architecture and Sculpture. 

' Outlines of the History of Antiquity.' 
' Greece in the Fifth Century b.c' 
' The Roman Republic b.c 202 — a.d. 31.' 
' Tacitus, Jgricola, with special reference to the 
Archaeology of Roman Britain.' 

Public Courses ' Geographical Conditions of Mediterranean Civil- 
' Land and Monuments of the Hittites.' 
' Egyptian Art.' 

Special Lectures ' Early Civilization in North Greece.' 

' Homeric Art.' 




University Courses ...' Greek Art with special reference to Architecture 

and Sculpture.' 
Greece in the Fifth Century i.e.' 
The Provinces of the Roman Empire. 9 

The Religion of Ancient Egypt.' 
The Early Religion of Asia Minor and North 

Public Courses. . 

Special Lectures 

191 1 . University Courses 

Public Lectures 

191 2. University Courses . 

Public Lectures 

Some Long-Lost Pages of Oriental History.' 
Mero€— the City of the Ethiopians. 9 

Homer and Homeric Problems.' 
Greek Art.' 

Greece in the Fifth Century B.C.' 
Roman Civilization under the Republic' 

Egyptian Science.' 

Old Problems and New Discoveries.' 

Greece in the Fifth Century b.c.' 

Civilization of Ancient Rome.' 

Greek Art with special reference to Architecture 

and Sculpture.' 
Homer and Homeric Problems.' 
Elements of Greek Epigraphy with specimens of 

Greek Inscriptions.' 

Egypt, Syria and the Aegean.' 
Merot in Ethiopia.' 

Egyptian Antiquities with special reference to 
those in the Liverpool Museums.' 



1902-3-4 Egypt : Beni Hassan and Negadeh. 

1904-5 „ Edfu and Hierakonpolis. 

1905-6 „ Esna and Kostamneh (Nubia). 

1906-7-8-9 „ Abydos. 

1907-8 Asia Minor and North Syria. 

1908-9 British Honduras. 

1909 Neolithic Sites in Thessaly. 

1910-11 Meroe (Sudan). 

191 1 Ekhmim (Upper Egypt). 

191 1 Asia Minor. 

1911-12 Meroe (Sudan). 

191 2-1 3 Merog (Sudan). 


• •• 

• m * 



In a previous paper* I endeavoured to show that the Homeric 
Catalogue gave an accurate representation of the geographical and 
political conditions at the end of the Mycenean age. Such a view 
would be seriously invalidated if it could be proved that the armour 
described by Homer was definitely of a much later date, although 
there is no objection to what may be termed the geographical 
standpoint being somewhat earlier than the description of life given 
in the Epic. I intend, therefore, now to take the features in 
Homeric armour which have been often used to differentiate it almost 
entirely from that of the Mycenean age, and see at what date they 
first appear. It will, I think, be seen that all are to be found in 
that late phase of Mycenean art which Dr. Mackenzie! has termed 
' Achaean.' To this phase he attributes the Warrior Vase from 
Mycenae and other analogous vases on which figures of human 
beings and animals are represented. The novelty of his view lies not 
so much in the date attributed to the Warrior Vase, nor in the 
application of the term ' Achaean ' to it,$ but in the theory that 
this style of vase painting in no way foreshadows the subsequent 
geometric style. Since the Warrior Vase and the class of pottery 
to which it belongs will frequently be referred to in the following 
pages a few details as to its provenance and also a few notes on 
other similar sherds may be found convenient. For a fuller 
account I must refer the reader to Dr. Mackenzie's paper. The 
idea that the Warrior Vase was found with or near ' geometric ' 
sherds is apparently erroneous, and Tsountas points out that the 
vase in question was found at a depth of five metres, while the 
only ' geometric ' sherd noticed by Schliemann was two metres below 
the surfaced The closest parallel to the figures on this vase are 
the warriors on the well-known painted stele from the same site. 
This was found in a late Mycenean tomb, not in situ, but used to 
block up the entrance to another tomb hewn in the side. It belongs, 

• Liverpool Anndh, IV, p. 128. 

t BJ3.A., Xni, pp. 423 & 

t Ridgeway, Early Age of Greece, pp. 299. 

$ Rev. Arch., 1896, pp. 19 ff. ; of. *Etf>. 'A/Pg., 1896, p. 14. 

• • V 

• -• 

• •. 



• . 


• •• 




therefore, to the Mycenean age, although to a late period in it.t 
Great emphasis is, however, often laid on its late date, and the 
fact is frequently emphasized that it is an old carved stele, plastered 
and painted over; with the apparent implication that the painting 
is not Mycenean at all. In point of fact it merely proves that 
Mycenean art lasted more than a week. The marked similarity 
between the stele and the vase has given rise to the idea that both 
were suggested by one original; and in this connection another 
monument from Mycene is of some interest. This is the fresco from 
the Megaron;+ though very fragmentary it shows warriors like 
those on the Warrior Vase, armed with spears, breastplate and 
greaves, and if complete might prove, perhaps, to contain the scene 
that suggested both the stele and the vase. Besides the well-known 
series of Mycenean craters from Cyprus, which though of cruder 
workmanship resemble the Warrior Vase in shape, in the 
use of figure-decoration, and in the representation of a costume 
not seen in the earlier Mycenean periods, there are also many 
examples from the mainland of Greece and the islands. The 
following list includes the most accessible specimens, but is 
probably far from complete. The type of the Warrior Vase being 
also an innovation, I have included certain vases which agree in 
shape though they show no figure-decoration. 

Mykenische Vasen. PI. VI, 32. From Ialysus. Shape only. 
Mykenische Vasen. PL XV, 93. From Nauplia. Shape only. 
Mykenische Vasen. PL XV, 97. From Nauplia. Chariot (frag.) 
Mykenische Vasen. PL XXXVIII, 390-395. From Mycenae. 

Fragments from different vases, showing chariots, 

horses, and men armed with helmets, greaves, spears, 

breastplates or tunics. 
Mykenische Vasen. PL XXXIX, 403-407. Fragments with 

Mykenische Vasen. PL XL, 422. From Mycenae. Head of a 

man. Cf. Fig. 37, op. cit. 
Mykenische Vasen. PL XLI, 426. From Mycenae. Figure. 

t 'E^.' Apx-, 1896, pp. 4 ff. B.S.A., XIH; p. 436, note. 

t *E</>. *ApX'> 1888 ' PP* 164 &> and PL H* Another fragment is in Tsonntas 
and Manatt, fig. 15. 

t> »» 


Mykenische Vasen. PL XLI, 425, 427, 429. From Mycenae. 

Mykenische Vasen. PL XLI, 423, 424, 428. From Mycenae. 

Schliemann, Tiryns. PL XIV, XV, XVIIb, XlXa, XXIa, b. 

XXIIe. Chariots, horses, warriors. 

Of the above examples most belong to Furtwangler's Fourth 
Mycenean Style, but some are placed by him in the Third. 

*E£.'Are.,1895. PL X, 12, 13. From Markopoulo. Figures. 

1895. PL X, 9. From Markopoulo, Shape only. 

1895. PL XI, 4. From Nauplia. Beasts. 

1904. PL From Muliana. Figures. 

The Cypriote Mycenean craters, though at first thought to be 
later than any Mycenean remains on the mainland, are now 
commonly admitted to be Mycenean in date as well as in style.* 
This in itself would tend to put the Warrior Vase into the 
Mycenean sequence, but the point at issue is rather whether the 
innovations to be seen on the Warrior Vase foreshadow the 
Geometric period. That the innovation in its painting takes 
the form of figure drawing, and not of geometrical patterns, seems 
to me conclusive. The first signs of a geometric age should rather 
be geometric ;t and the Dipylon vases with chariot scenes are in fact 
later than those with purely linear designs. Some of the pottery 
from Tiryns, on the other hand, seems to be transitional to the 
geometric style; the human figures represented on it are unlike 
those on the Attic Dipylon vases, and its other decoration is 
geometrical.* There are also differences to be seen in the paint 
and technique. These Tirynthian sherds, I suggest, may form a 
link between the Warrior Vase phase of Mycenean pottery and the 
geometric style. 

The Use of Iron in Homer 

Before examining archaeological evidence for the earliest 
appearance of the peculiarly Homeric armour, a brief digression is 
needed on the vexed question of the usage of iron in Homer. Iron 

* A. J. Evans, Journal of the Anthropological Institute (hereafter J.A.I.) XXX, 

?p. 199 ff. Furtwangler, Berl. Philol Wochtnschr., 1901, p. 141 ff. Poulscn, Jahr- 
itch 1911, pp. 247 ff. 

t For fuller arguments el. Mackenzie, B.8.A., Xm, pp. 428 ff. 

* Kg., Tiryns, PL XXXma. 

is mentioned twenty-three times in the Iliad, and of iron the 
following objects are made. A club, perhaps only studded with 
iron (H 141) ; an arrowhead (A 123) ; the gates of Tartarus (© 15) ; 
the axle of Hera's chariot (E 723); knives (2 84, ¥ 80). In the 
other passages iron is used in a metaphorical sense or referred to 
in an unworked condition. In ¥ 80 <ri&ijp<p is used for an iron 
weapon, but as the passage refers to the cutting of an animal's 
throat, a knife is presumably meant; in 2 34, where Achilles cuts 
the throat of a captive youth, a knife also seems the natural 
weapon. There is no mention of iron swords, and wherever the 
metal of a sword is specified it is bronze. In Homer, as several 
authorities have pointed out, iron is still the agricultural weapon ; 
it is not yet trusted for warfare. The Halstatt iron swords often 
used to illustrate Homeric weapons belong to a later age. Although 
in the present paper it is my aim only to see how far the Homeric 
poems compare accurately, or not, when taken in their simplest 
interpretation, with the archaeological evidence, one theory as to 
iron in Homer must be noticed bedause it is at once so 
comprehensive and so plausible. Professor Ridgeway argues that in 
Homer iron is in general use ' for all kinds of cutting instruments 
and for agricultural purposes,' and, according to him, Homeric 
swords were normally of iron. His argument for this view is 
briefly this: The word for bronze, the older metal, became 
identified with the weapon itself and continued to be used in the 
meaning of ' weapon ' when the weapon actually referred to was 
made of iron. To illustrate this he quotes the English phrase, 
'to smite with the steel'; but though this phrase illustrates the 
use of the name of the metal for the weapon, it also reveals the 
weakness of the whole theory. To be a genuine parallel it should 
be 'to smite with the iron.'* The theory then that Homer 
describes a full iron age seems not conclusive in itself unless 
definite archaeological evidence can be brought to support it. At 
the same time it is quite probable that iron swords were not 
absolutely unknown to Homer ; for, in any account of a transitional 
age, uniformity of expression cannot be taken to mean absolute 

* The muoh quoted line in the Odyssey, ' Iron of itself doth attract a man,' 
occurs in very suspicious company, and by it it must be judged. Of. Lang, World 
of Homer, p. 100 ; Monro, Odyssey, XIX, 1-50. notes. 

uniformity in practice. Thus Homer tells of bronze swords and 
iron knives, which means that bronze swords and iron knives were 
usual; exceptions probably existed but were not worth mentioning. 
Homer describes characteristic features ; he does not give a complete 
list of all varieties for the benefit of later commentators. 

Nearly all the evidence collected below has been noticed 
previously, but much of it has been passed over in recent 
considerations of the Homeric age. An attempt to collect it may 
therefore be justified. 

The following instances exemplify the use and knowledge of 
iron in the Mycenean age: — 
In the Second Late Minoan Period. 

An iron ring from the Vaphio tomb. Cf. TE<J>. f ApX** 1889, 

p. 147. 
An iron ring from a tomb at Eakovatos. Cf. Ath. Mitt., 1909, 
p. 276. 
In the Third Late Minoan Period. 

Two iron rings from tombs at Mycenae. Cf *E^. A/%., 1888, 

pp. 136, 147. 
Iron pin with ivory handle. Enkomi. Tomb 74. Cf. Excav. 

in Cyprus. 
Iron knife with ivory handle. Enkomi. Cf. Excav. in Cyprus. 

Fig. 25, No. 1482. 
Iron knife with ivory handle, and one iron fragment. Enkomi. 
Tomb 58. Cf Excav. in Cyprus. PL II, 995. [p. 31 says 
'two iron knives,' but only one exists.] This tomb, 
according to Poulsen, is one of the later in the cemetery ; 
he suggests XII-XI century for its date. Jahrbuch, 1911, 
p. 247. 
Traces of an iron object in a Mycenean tomb, at Mulian&, in 
Crete; bronze bosses and bronze swords of a late type 
were also found. Cf. 'Ety. f Apx*> 1904, p. 2 ff. 
In another tomb at Mulian& were two burials, one inhumation 
of late Mycenean date, and one cremation, usually described as 
of the ' geometric ' age ; to this burial are attributed an iron sword 
and a knife. The ashes were in a crater which is a degenerate 
example of the Warrior Vase type. 

As soon as ' geometric ' pottery begins iron becomes commonly 

used for weapons, and in tombs at Kavousi, containing vases still 
Mycenean in shape though geometric in decoration, iron swords 
and spears were found.* 


Although some consider the epithets KvicXorepq?, ev/cv/ekos, 
irdvro<r' el at), 6jj4>a\6eaaa applicable to ' figure-of-8 ' Mycenean 
shields, this view is by no means generally accepted. It is said 
that d/*t//t\o9, irdvroa' eiarj and 6fjL(f>aX6€aaa indicate round 
shields, and particular stress is laid on the last of the three 
epithets. Thus, Professor Bidgeway regards the explanation of 
ofupdkoeaaa by certain small disks found in the shaft graves at 
Mycene, perhaps derived from the rims of shields, as highly 
improbable. t He points out that Sjufxikos 9 means ' navel' and so 
can only properly refer to a * central boss.' Two passages are 
quoted to support this view. ( 6 B y ap' eunrLSo? opfyakov oira 9 (N 192). 
This may mean ' It struck a boss of the shield.' The other passage 
is fortunately more definite (A 32 if.). The shield here described 
has one ojufxikos in the middle, and around it are ' ten circles of 
bronze with twenty Sjx<f>aXoi of tin.' This shield I believe to have 
been round, and very probably to have come from Cyprus where, 
as will be seen, round shields were in use. But since even a round 
shield can have only one centre, the twenty other 6i*j$aXoi, cannot 
also have been ' central bosses.' Telamonian Ajax had a shield 
like a tower. This may have been a great oblong Mycenean shield 
or possibly a figure-of-8 shield. The former, perhaps, seems more 
natural. No one, I believe, suggests it was round, yet in E 267 
it is hit fUcaop hrojjuf>dkiov. Thus SpxfxiXos and dfufxiXoeaaa 
whenever they occur need not always indicate round shields, 
Figure-of-8 shields with S/jufxiXoi, are seen on Mycenean rings;} 
bronze bosses, perhaps from round shields, were found in a late 
Mycenean tomb at Muliana . f The early evidence for round shields 
has recently been collected by Helbig to whose paper I refer. || His 

* American Journal of Archaeology, 1901, pp. 132 & 

t Op. dt., p. 319. 

{ E.g., Tsountas and Manatt, p. 181, fig. 75. 

§ 'Eff*. 'Apx-, 1904, p. 45, fig. 11. 
|| Helbig, Jahreshefle, XII, pp< 1 ff. 

reconstruction oi the bronze figurines seems very plausible. A 
round shield appears on the Phaistos disk; this, however, is not 
Minoan, but its significance will be referred to later. The shields 
on the painted stele from Mycenae and on the Warrior Vase are 
often considered round, though they are not in the latter case truly 
circular. One sherd in the Warrior Vase style § shows a circular 
shield; and there is another example on an ivory handle from the 
Mycenean cemetery at Enkomi.H A fragment of porcelain from the 
Third Shaft-grave at Mycenae shows a warrior with a round shield 
and a helmet with horns. This object may be of Cypriote origin. 
Sound shields, then, though rare, occur before the end of the 
Mycenean age. The argument as to the non-existence of blazons in 
Homer and their existence in the Mycenean age is largely a question 
of when a blazon is not a blazon but a purely decorative ornament. 
If the * gorgon of fell aspect ' on Achilles' shield is not a blazon, 
there seems little reason why blazons should be attributed to 
Myceneans' shields. The archaeological evidence is extremely 
slight; a few stars or decorative bosses, and perhaps the lion mask 
and silver ox head from Mycenae, all of which are very 
I can find no clear examples of blazons before the ' geometric ' 
period, when they can be seen on late Dipylon vases. 


In Homer the Achaeans are often called ev/cryjuSc? and 
once xaX/co*v*7/u£e9. Greaves or leggings are frequently 

represented in Mycenean art;** they can be seen on the Warrior 
Yase and on the painted stele. They were fastened on below the 
knee and round the ankle. The material of which they were made 
cannot be determined ; on the painted stele they are blue-grey like 
the corselets, but the colour may be conventional. A pair 
of bronze greaves, however, were found in a Mycenean tomb in 

i Myk. Vase*, PL XLI, 427. 

H A. J. Evans, J.A.I., XXX, pp. 209, fig. 5, 213 ff. 

|| Ridgeway, op. cit., p. 305 ff. 

** On rings, cf. Tsonntas, Mvfcrjpai, PL V,4, 6. 4 is from the third shaft- 
grave. On gems, cf. Myk. Vasen, PL E, 30. On sherds analogous to the Warrior 
Vase, cf. Myk. Vasen, PL XXXVIII. 


Cyprus* with a typical Mycenean sword. These greaves were 
fastened on by wires. Metal greaves are, therefore, Late Mycenean. 
The ' Mycenean ' designs on some of the greaves from* Glasinatzt 
make it quite possible that the usage of metal greaves spread from 

south to north. 


No attempt has been made to differentiate the blades of Homeric 
spears from those found in the Mycenean age. All Mycenean 
spears are of bronze, and Homer never mentions a spear of iron. 
The sockets of many of the late Mycenean spears are joined at the 
side and pressed firmly on to the shaft by a thin bronze band.* In 
many examples, owing to rust and corrosion, this band appears to 
be joined to the socket. With this form of fastening, compare 
Hector's spear with its three bands of gold (Z 320). The spears 
from the shaft graves are of a different construction, the socket is 
solid and has no band. A distinction has been drawn between the 
butts of Homeric and Mycenean spears ; ovpidx * (N 448, IT 612, 
P 528) need mean nothing more than * the butt end ' ; it may, 
however, as Bidgeway suggests, mean a knob : oavpconjp (E 158) 
must mean a spike. The word itself occurs only once in the Iliad, 
but a spike is implied elsewhere. A spike at the butt, as is well 
known, appears on the Warrior Vase, and there are actual spikes, 
probably from spears, from Nauplia and Mycenae. § From their 
provenance these should be of Late Mycenean date. An iron spear 
head, with other iron weapons, was found in a tholos tomb at 
Eavousi, with vases still largely Mycenean in style but under strong 
geometric influence. || 


Homeric helmets seem to have been of various shapes, and many 
of their varieties cannot be accurately defined. One kind (E 261) 
was made of leather strengthened on the outside by boar's teeth 

* Brit. Mus. Cat. Bronzes, No. 74. Excav. in Cyprus, p. 16, of. J.A.I., XXX, 
p. 214. 

f For the importance of these Mycenean motives, of. A. J. Evans, J.A.I., XXX, 
p. 217. 

I There is a good example from Nauplia in Nat. Mas., Athens. The same devioe 
appears on a spear from Ialysus, Myk. Vasen, PL D, 12. 

§ Athens Nat. Mus. Cat. of Mycenean Collection, 2554, in type like the Glaainatz 
example figured in Early Age, p. 432. For a possible example from Crete, cf . Mon. 
Antichi, XIV, p. 466, fig. 73 f. 

A.J. A., 1901, pp. 132 ff. 

strung together. Several representations of this kind have been 
found in tombs of the Third Late Minoan Period at Mycenae, Spata, 
Menidi and Enkomi, and a number of actual boar's teeth bored at 
the end have also been found. No trace of this kind of helmet has 
yet occurred in a deposit of the ' geometric ' age. The epithets 
applied to helmets in Homer are important; they fall into two 
classes, those whose meaning is more or less obvious and those whose 
meaning usually depends on the Homeric views of the translator. 
I take the first class first : xpvaelri, x a ^ K ° 7r *PV *, irdy^aXKcx;. These 
epithets must imply metal helmets and metal cheek pieces, and the 
interpretation by leather caps with metal plates or bosses seems 
niggardly. The helmets on the Warrior Vase may be of metal, but 
they have no cheek pieces. 

A few sherds of approximately the same date seem to show 
helmets with cheek pieces, but the drawing is very crude. On the 
large steatite vase from Hagia Triadha, however, a helmet, almost 
certainly of metal and with cheek pieces, is clearly portrayed. The 
likeness the helmet bears to the later classical types is in many ways 
remarkable, but as to its early date there is no doubt. 

Tpv<f>dkeia t T€Tpwf>d\rfpo^ 9 (fxiXos, &<f>a\os, afjuf>l<f>a\o^ t T€rpa<f>a\&; 
and <f>dkapa are all obscure . <bd\apa 9 (II 106) in later timed meant 
a boss or ornamental plate. What the spots on the Warrior Vase 
helmets may mean cannot be definitely decided. <£><£\o? according 
to Helbig, Eidgeway, and others, is the later k&po$ or ridge across 
the helmet into which the crest was fixed. Others, however, 
translate * horn-like projections,' which seems better on account of 
N 132, where * projections ' are essential. The helmets on the 
Warrior Vase have horn-like projections, and also the helmet on 
the porcelain fragment referred to above from the Third Shaft- 


The warriors on the fresco, the painted stele, and the Warrior 
Yase from Mycenae, as well as those on several sherds of the same 
date, are wearing breastplates. The precise form and material 
cannot, however, be determined. Corselets appear on the Knossian 
tablets, and may also be recognised on a few gems.* The carved 

* Corolla Numismatica. 1906, p. 357. Discoveries in Crete, p. 37. 


ivory from a Mycenean tomb at Enkomi, already referred to in 
connection with the round shield, gives an excellent representation 
of the Homeric warrior's outfit, as was pointed out not long after 
its discovery. * Here, as in the Iliad, the belt or girdle — the 
Homeric ^coarrjp — which seems to have been fastened behind, 
follows the lower rim of the cuirass .... Just, too, as in the 
Epic we see that ^axrr^p reinforced by a second belt — ga>/*a — with 
its belt plate or yirpr\ t so on the ivory relief there is seen a double 
raised ring around the warrior's waist. '• 


For costume, as opposed to armour, there is little direct evidence. 
It is clear that Homer does not describe the loin-cloth costume of 
the early Mycenean men, nor the bodices and skirts of the early 
Mycenean women. But before the Mycenean age ends, a change in 
costume occurs. With one exception, from Curium ,t none of the 
Cypriote Mycenean craters show the skirt-and-bodice costume. The 
costume there indicated is probably the same as that worn by the 
woman on the Warrior Vase, and this, as Ridgeway has pointed 
out, resembles that of the Achaean dames. X Since fibulae are 
intimately connected with certain types of costume, the date at 
which they first appear may be used as evidence for a change in 
dress. Men clad in trailing robes are not unknown in Mycenean 
&rt,§ and the figures in the chariots on the Cypriote craters are clad 
in costumes which, if male, are different from the normal costume 
of the earlier Mycenean period. There is, therefore, evidence for 
a change in costume towards the end of the Mycenean period, which 
may fulfil the Homeric requirements. 


The occurrence of fibulae in the Third Late Minoan Period is 
well substantiated by the finds from various sites. The precise date 
in that period at which they are first found is difficult to determine ; 
though on the mainland of Greece and in Crete a late date is 

* A. J. Evans, J.A.I., XXX, p. 274. 
t Excav. in Cyprus, p. 73. 
X Ridgeway, Early Age of Greece, p. 209. 
§ ArUike Gemmen, PL II, 39, 47. 


tolerably certain. The northern origin of the fibulae, which is the 
theory most commonly held, may perhaps be questioned. It is 
apparently based on the view that the past history of the fibula can 
only be found in the north, and that the fibulae at Mycenae are 
chronologically earlier than those found in Cyprus, but at the same 
time it is recognised that whether northern or no the examples 
from Mycenae are not of a very early date.* The fibulae, both from 
Mycenae and from Cyprus, are, however, so primitive in form that 
they are clearly only recent inventions, so that the invention of the 
fibula and its use in the Aegean are not separated by any great space 
of time. Straight pins with holes or loops have been found in Cyprus, 
and it has been suggested that the fibula was evolved out of these ; 
but this theory is rejected by Professor Ridgeway, who derives the 
fibula from straight pins with a spiral twist, such as are found at 
the head of the Adriatic. This derivation may be correct, but as 
similar pins have been found at Mycenaet a northern origin is not 
necessarily implied. In Cyprus fibulae similar to those from 
Mycenae occurred at Enkomi,J where several craters, with figure 
decoration showing a change from the old Minoan dress, were also 
found. At Curium, together with Mycenean vases (which though 
L.M. Ill, are not apparently late products of that period) was a 
crater of the Warrior Vase shape, but with figures on it in the old 
Minoan costume ; with this crater was a fibula. § The fibula in Cyprus, 
therefore, coincides with the appearance of the crater shape, and 
the older costume on this one example is a survival, and was 
probably not worn by the owner of the tomb. The Cypro-Mycenean 
crater, the fibula, and a new costume, appear at the same time and 
come probably from the same direction. On the revised and now 
generally accepted dating for the Cypriote finds, the fibulae at 
Mycenae must either be put early in L. M. Ill or else, if kept for a 
late period in it, be considered chronologically later than those in 
Cyprus. The types of the Enkomi examples are very similar to 
those from Mycenae ; the Curium type is almost triangular in shape 
owing to the height of the stilt ; but though it is thus typologically 

• Gf. Ridgeway, op. cit., pp. 752 ft 

t 'E£. 'Apx-, 1888, PL 8. 

I Bxcav. in Cyprus, p. 68, A. J. Evans, J.A.I., XXX, p. 204. 

$ Bxcav. in Cyprus, p. 73, fig. 127. A» J. Evans, op. cit, p. 204. J. L. Myies, 
Liverpool Annals, 191Q, p. 140. 


closer to the iron age bow-fibulae than the examples from Enkomi 
it may still belong to an earlier age. It belongs probably to another 
series of types. There is then some evidence in favour of the view 
that the fibula came into the Mycenean world from the direction of 


We have seen that the view that Homeric swords were usually 
of iron is not self-evident. Homeric warriors used the cut as well 
as the thrust ; the former is mentioned twenty-four times, the latter 
eleven. This proves that both methods of attack were in vogue, but 
it does not prove that the one was commoner than the other. A great 
warrior would naturally employ the newest mode of fighting and 
would also have the newest type of weapon. A cutting sword differs 
from a thrusting sword, and was a late development in the Aegean. 
Homer, moreover, is mainly concerned with great warriors. It is 
frequently argued that the change from a thrusting sword to a 
cutting sword implies a change from bronze to iron. It is said, 
for example, that it was only by the discovery of iron that the 
warrior was furnished with a strong sword with which a blow could 
be dealt without the danger of the blade snapping at the hilt;* but 
if this is so there should be a difference in type between the latest 
bronze swords and the earliest of iron. This, however, is not the 
case, the sword type changes before the metal and the early iron 
swords are of the same type as the immediately preceding swords of 
bronze, t The difference between a cutting and a thrusting sword lies 
in the nature of the blade and in the hilt. J Length has little to do 
with the matter. The long rapiers from the shaft graves are suitable 
only for thrusting, but the broad-bladed swords of the later 
Mycenean period could be used for a cut. Odysseus had a 
TavvrfKe? aop; this was more probably a long rapier than an iron 
sword from Central Europe. A broad-bladed cutting sword is seen 
carried by ' Minoans ' on the Seumut tomb. Mr. Hall in his account 
of this fresco, comments on its large size, but suggests that like the 

• Ridgeway, op. cti., p. 303 ff. 

t Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos, p. 113. J.A.I., XXX, p. 218. 

X This can be demonstrated by experiments with paper knives with solid handles 
and those with fancy handles. 


vases it may be exaggerated.* If, however, the drawing is in 
proportion the blade of this weapon is still considerably under three 
feet in length. t 

Arrow Heads 

In Homer one arrow is of iron .J The Mycenean examples are of 
obsidian, flint or bronze. § Many are barbed and were fastened on 
by a sinew or string. The barbs of Homeric arrows must have been 
thin; they bent when being pulled out of a wound. || A common 
Mycenean type answers to these requirements, which is barbed and 
made out of a thin and flat piece of metal. 

Chariot Wheels 

It is doubtful whether the arguments^ based on the eight-spoked 
wheels of Hera's chariot can be proved either way. Eight-spoked 
wheels are by no means universal in the districts where the home 
of the Achaeans has been found. In the Aegean, in all periods, 
four spokes are the usual number in representations of chariots, and 
their appearance consequently in later times can hardly be used as 
evidence for Pelasgian survivals. The number of spokes represented 
was probably largely an artistic convenience.** Models of 
four-spoked, six-spoked and eight-spoked wheels have been found 
at Mycenae in Late Mycenean surroundings, ft 

Hair t X 

It is also doubtful if the ' xaprj Kopoannre? ' Achaeans and the 
' oTriOev Kop6wvT€s ' Abantes could be distinguished on the 
monuments unless the latter wore a very definite form of pigtail. 
Further, there are no monuments which can be attributed to the 

• B.S.A., XVI, pp. 264 ff. 

t It reaches from the top of the head to just below the top of the belt. For 
the man's height I have assumed the very liberal allowance of 6 feet. 

t IL A 132140. 

§ Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos, p. 32. 

|| IL A 214. 

IT Ridgeway, ov. ciL, pp. 325 ft It is, of course, an assumption that Hera's 
chariot was typically Achaean. 

••If, however, representations are to be trusted, eight-spoked wheels seem 
common in the East. Compare for a later date Sidonian coins. 

ft In Nat. Mus. Athens Cat. of Mycenean Collection, No. 2592, 2600. 

{I Ridgeway, op. ciL, p. 327. 


Abantes in particular. Metal spirals, probably for the hair, have 
been found in several Mycenean tombs. These are quoted to prove 
that these tombs are not Achaean. Spirals of the same kind also 
occur in the sub-Mycenean cemetery at Salamis, where cremation 
is known. The reason for believing that the use of spirals for the 
hair is not Achaean is the description of Euphorbos, a Trojan and 
not an Achaean, with his locks bound with gold and silver. Nastes, 
however, also not an Achaean, went to the war adorned with gold. 
This probably refers to ornaments in his hair ; it cannot refer to his 
armour, and the line ends in contempt, ' rjure tcovprj ' (B 872). The 
inference is that Achaean women bound their hair in golden 
ornaments although the men did not. Gold spirals are consequently 
no evidence against Achaeans unless they are found in men's graves. 
On the other hand, they are not by themselves evidence for Achaeans 
since other races also used them. 

Early Attic tradition has been invoked on this and several 
Homeric questions. There is, of course, good literary evidence for 
believing Attica to have been Pelasgian in the sense that it was 
never conquered by alien invaders, but, on the other hand, Attica 
not only welcomed refugees from all quarters, but made them 
citizens.* To separate the Pelasgian element from the rest in Attica 
is therefore more difficult than in the case of other states. 


Homer, it has often been suggested, seems to know of two breeds 
of cattle, one short-horned and the other long-horned. The long- 
horned type is very common in Mycenean art, but the short-horned 
type is also known, and appears on the Cretan hieroglyphs. ' This 
seems to be an indigeneous species, of which skulls were found in 
the votive deposits of the Dictaen cave, and to which Professor 
Boyd Dawkins has given the name of Bos Creticus. It is allied to 
the Bos longifrons or "Celtic Short-horn 'Vt To this type may 
belong the ' calves ' and the gold pendants from a tomb (L. M. Ill) 
at Hagia TriadhaJ and the seven ivory heads from the town at 
Mycenae. § 

• Thue. I, 2. 

t Scripta Minoa, p. 200. 

t Man. Antichi, XIV, p. 729, figs. 27, 28, 29. 

§ Nat. Mus. Athens Cat. Mycenean Collection, No. 3046. 



In this section I hope to show that there are already some signs 
that cremation was practised in Greece before the ' geometric ' 
age, and that this practice is not necessarily connected with the 
appearance of geometric pottery. That burnt geometric burials are 
found in a later period is no evidence against this view, as the 
practice of burying the dead is of a more permanent nature than a 
style of vase painting. In view of the attitude of despair at the 
lack of Homeric cemeteries some explanation is needed. It will 
presumably be admitted that there was a transitional period between 
the pure Mycenean and geometric styles in which men died and were 
buried, though hardly any graves at all, Achaean, Homeric or 
otherwise, have been found. The reason for the want of evidence is 
briefly this. At the end of the Mycenean age there was a gtreat 
shifting of habitation. Cities and towns were deserted and their 
positions moved, sometimes only a short distance, but at times the 
new sites were entirely separate. Sparta is a good example. The 
result has been that the latest deposits of the older age have been 
much destroyed by weather and exposure, so that for this period, 
which happens to be all important, cemeteries are at times the only 
surviving evidence. Cemeteries, however, are either very difficult 
to find or else, if easy, nearly always prove to have been plundered 
in antiquity. There is a lack, not of Homeric graves, but of graves 
of any kind which fall into what was probably the Homeric age. 

In the Mycenean cemetery at Nauplia cremation in a few cases 
seems to have been employed. This has, however, been suspected, I 
give, therefore, the references to the literature on this point and 
leave it an open question.* 

At Mouliana, in Crete, a tholos tomb was found containing two 
burials, probably not very far removed from each other in date. 
To the earlier (inhumation) burial are attributed! late Mycenean 
vases and bronze fibulae, and to the later burial (cremation) some 
vases that may be called * geometric,' and an iron sword and knife; 
the burnt bones were in a crater of the Warrior Vase type. This 
burial I should call post-Homeric on the grounds of the iron 

* Myh. Vcutn, p. 45. 'AO/jvcuov VII, pp. 183 ft\, VHI, pp. 517 ff. 

t A peasant moved the objects before the tomb was scientifically examined. 
9 E(f>. 'A(>X; 1904, pp. 2 ff. 


weapons ; others will disagree, but this point cannot be settled until 
further evidence is found. If the fibulae go with the earlier burial, 
knowledge of fibulae is certain for the period of the later. The iron 
weapons, as well as the geometric vases, show that the crater is late 
in the class to which it belongs. This might perhaps be deduced 
from its style, but since Crete at this period was unimportant, the 
very degenerate decoration might be due to other reasons. The 
crater then represents the earlier elements in this burial, and the 
geometric vases and iron weapons the later. One of these geometric 
vases is in shape and decoration almost identical with the very early 
geometric vases from Theotokou in Thessaly,* which are found in 
tombs where there is no trace of cremation at all, so that the 
geometric influence in this tomb does not seem to account for the 
cremation. The crater, therefore, is a cremation crater not by 
cEanoe but by design, and the rite of burning as well as the crater 
belong to the earlier elements in this transitional tomb. 

Cremation may be the intention of all the Mycenean craters of 
this type. 

In the very late Mycenean or sub-Mycenean cemetery, on the 
island of Salamis,t cremation and inhumation were both practised. 
Unfortunately, all the burials were poor, and there is no evidence 
for weapons. Bow fibulae were found, and the vases, though in many 
cases still of Mycenean shapes, were decorated with geometric 
designs. There can be little doubt that the geometric style was in 
vogue in Oreece at the time to which this cemetery belongs. It has 
been claimed by different writers as Achaean and as Dorian, but 
it may be questioned if cremation was a Dorian rite. 

On the theory developed in the present paper it would be 
Achaean in rite though early Dorian in date. Except in the case of 
the big craters, only probably available for the rich, no distinction 
seems to exist between * Achaean ' and non- Achaean Mycenean 
pottery. The Achaeans introduced certain innovations into 
Mycenean civilisation, but did no more. This is clear from the 
Homeric poems in which the whole background is Mycenean, and 
so detailed that it is not remembrance of a bygone age but the 
account of a vivid present. How far cremation was universal among 

•For the connections of the Thessalian Geometric with Crete cf. Prehistoric 

t Aih. Mitt., XXXV, pp. 17 ff. 


the Achaeans, or how numerous Achaeans were, is very doubtful. 
Homer only describes the funerals of great chieftains. The tombs 
at Kavousi which contained iron weapons, contained vases 
somewhat analogous to those from Salamis, but more * geometric ' 
perhaps in style. The number of weapons found show that iron was 
by that time common. These tombs are consequently post-Homeric. 
None of the bodies were cremated. 


Haying examined in order the evidence for the more important 
features in Homeric armour and life, which have been used to 
differentiate it from the Mycenean age, we may now summarise the 
results. If by Mycenean is meant only up to and including the Shaft 
graves at Mycenae (L.M. I, L.M. II), Homeric armour is, in the 
main, not Mycenean at all ; nor does it coincide with the earlier part 
of the next period (L.M. Ill), at least in Crete and on the mainland 
of Greece. A change, however, occurs in the Third Late Minoan 
Period, and in a late phase of this period, before the ' geometric ' 
style of pottery begins, the raw material for Homeric armour, »uch 
as round shields, cutting swords and metal greaves, is to be found. 
In other words, the criteria for Homeric armour in view of later 
discoveries are now seen to exist in an earlier period than had often 
previously been thought. Despite the important changes in armour, 
costume and in certain other features, this late phase of Mycenean 
civilisation is very closely connected with the preceding age; the 
civilisation is, in fact, still Mycenean, though many innovations 
have been imposed upon it from without. The chief ceramic 
changes are a few new vase types and the use of figure decoration 
in vase painting; but the point to be decided is whether this 
foreshadows the 'geometric' style or not. Dr. Mackenzie, after 
a detailed examination of the pottery decides against ' geometric 9 
influence; and the fact that the chief innovation in the pottery 
consists of the use of human figures, and not in new 
geometric patterns, is strong evidence that this view is 
correct, and that this change is in no sense due to the creators of the 
Dipylon style, for in the series of vases from the Dipylon cemetery 
figure decoration is admittedly a sign of a late rather than of an 
early date. 


The concomitant phenomena of this late Mycenean period 
of vase painting are all important. The view that the Third 
Late Minoan Period is a period of degeneration requires modification 
in many important respects, for towards the end there are signs of 
an artistic revival in vase painting, and the characteristics of this 
age, as a whole, when compared with the age that preceded it, 
include a great abundance of ivory, glass paste and amber. Amber, 
a definite case of importation from the North, was perhaps bartered 
for ivory, an equally definite importation from the East. For the 
latter half of the Third Late Minoan Period the extent of the East 
may be limited. Furtwangler's fourth Mycenean vase style is 
hardly if at all represented in Egypt, and the break thus indicated 
in trade between Egypt and Greece seems to continue until near 
the end of the age of Greek * geometric ' pottery. The East may, 
therefore be restricted to Anatolia and the lands adjacent to 
Cyprus. The designs on the Mycenean ivory mirror handles — 
mirrors are an innovation in L. M. Ill — though they recall 
Egyptian models are not purely Egyptian, and probably only 
influenced by Egypt, perhaps indirectly. It is also noticeable 
that for many of the requirements of Homeric armour we 
have had recourse to Mycenean Cyprus. Apart from amber it 
is difficult to decide how much definite northern influence 
exists in the Third Late Minoan Period. Although the general use 
of iron in the Dipylon age coincides with an invasion from the 
north, the first knowledge of iron in Greece may easily have been 
derived from another quarter. The archaeological evidence for iron 
in the Mycenean age has been already noticed, and with it may now 
be compared the legends of the Telchines and Dactyls, who are 
never located in the north-west. Rhodes and Crete have a strong 
claim to these mythical metal workers. There seems now to be no 
doubt that iron was known, though not commonly used, in Egypt 
from a very remote period, so that Greece may have first acquired 
iron from Egypt, and the parallel, often previously suggested, 
between ' ba-n-pet ' and € a&ripcos ovpavo? ' tends to support 
such a view. If the revised and earlier dating for the Mycenean 
remains in Cyprus is correct, the northern origin of the fibula is still 
far from certain, the more especially as there is evidence for the ex- 
tension of Mycenean designs up to the head of the Adriatic and 


beyond. Ivory is found at Halstatt, the Mycenean motives on the 
greaves from Glasinatz have already been noticed, and decoration 
in the form of zones or friezes of animals was probably employed in 
Mycenean art before it reached more northern Europe.* Bound 
shields, on the existing evidence, seems to appear in Cyprus and in 
the east before they are found in Greece, and an eastern rather 
than a northern origin is consequently indicated. t The Mycenean 
cutting sword, as opposed to the earlier rapier type, is usually 
regarded as of European origin, and at present the evidence is in 
favour of such a view. It is, however, important to notice that 
this change in type does not coincide with a change in metal, and 
that broad-bladed swords were used by the Shardina. 

Although many of the changes in armour and costume are 
particularly noticeable in Mycenean Cyprus, it is clear that they 
cannot have originated in that island, and that if they appear 
earlier there than in Greece itself their home must be looked for 
somewhere in Anatolia or even further east. It is necessary, 
therefore, to see what evidence, if any, exists to support such a 
view. There are good grounds for believing that the Phaistos disk 
is Anatolian and, moreover, from a region not far remote from 
Lycia, owing to the marked resemblance between the forms of the 
later Lycian tombs and the pictures of certain buildings seen on the 

Other resemblances have been recognised between it and certain 
objects from Cyprus. Thus round shields and a form of head-dress 
are common to the disk and to the Enkomi ivories. The absence of 
pinched narrow waists and the existence of a short tunic unlike the 
normal Minoan loin cloth, are also points of resemblance.! In this 
connection the series of bronze male figurines, recently restored very 
plausibly by Helbig, by the addition of a round shield deserve 
notice. Their round shields are, of course, problematical ; but their 
conical helmets, ending in a knob, seem to be of the same type as 
certain of those on the ivories from Cyprus. These figures also wear 

• Cf. ivory pyxis from MenidL Da$ Kvppelgrab 6e» Menidi, PL VII. A similar 
pyxis is seen on the fresco from Tiryns. 

t Helbig, op. eft. pashm, but compare Ridgeway, op. cit., pp. 463 ff. for 
a Northern origin. Bound shields were probably indigenous in both regions. 
The first round shield in Greeoe, I think, came from the East ; the Dorian round 
shields, on the other hand, connect with the North rather than any other region. 

I 8cripta Minoa, p. 25. 


a short tunic, which is not quite the Minoan loin cloth, and their 
waists are not pinched. If provenance is of any value their home 
should be on the mainland opposite Cyprus, but in view of current 
theories it is necessary to add that there are no grounds as yet for 
considering them Phoenician. The costume in itself is strong 
evidence against it. It is more probable they have the same general 
origin as the disk itself. The possible Anatolian origin of many of 
the types of armour discussed above in no way prevents them from 
being Achaean. The northern origin of the Achaeans is a theory 
mainly based on archaeological evidence, and there is, I believe, 
no literary evidence to support it, which cannot be otherwise 
explained. Greek tradition never brings the Achaeans from the 
north, and is almost silent as to their origin. * Pelops, according 
to legend came from Anatolia, and a Hittite origin for him has been 
suggested, t In the Egyptian records the Akaiuasha are mentioned 
together with the Turusha, Shakalesha, Shardina and Luka, the 
last three of whom are identified with Sagalassi, Sardians and 
Lycians. The identification of the Turusha with the Tylissians of 
Crete has also been suggested but does not seem certain.! Although 
it is quite possible that the Akaiuasha of the Egyptian records may 
have come from the mainland of Greece, a position in or near 
Anatolia would be more natural. If, too, of Anatolian origin their 
migration thence into Greece may have been part of the same 
movement that brought them into conflict with Egypt, and this 
conflict also may have caused the break in trade relations between 
Greece and Egypt which can be observed towards the end of the 
Myoenean age. The records of the Akaiuasha belong to the reign of 
Merenptah, 1235-1214 B.C., a date not incompatible with the 
traditional Greek date for Pelops who came from Asia. 

• T. W. Allen, Classical Review, XXV, pp. 233 & 

t H R. Hall, J MM., 1909, pp. 19 fi. Ridgeway, in Minos ike Destroy*, etc., 
now brings some Achaeans from the East. There is, however, no break in culture 
at the beginning of L.1L III. 

I Another suggestion is with a tribo near Tarsus. 



By Pbopessoe F. P. BARNARD 

1. — Obverse. A conventional king's head, full-faced, within a 
circle: a border of pellets in lieu of a legend. Reverse. 
A short cross recercelee, within a circle, cantoned by four 
pellets; a border of pellets. Both faces are mute, as is 
usual with this class of counter. Size, according to 
Mionnet's scale, 4t\. All the coins in this list are of 
latten, bronze, or copper, unless otherwise specified. An 
English, or Anglo-French, jetton of the Sterling Type: 
last quarter of the 13th century. (Cp. La Tour, Collection 
Rouyer, 1899, No. 677 ; Snelling, View of Jettons, 1769, 
PI. I, 10.) These pieces were not understood by Ducarel, 
who called them Black Money (Anglo-Gallic Coinage, 
1757, p. 100, Plates XIV, 35, 36, XV, 41), confusing them 
with the French Denier Noir of unplated billon, or 
Zwaarte, as it was called in the Low Countries. [PI. I, 1. 

2. — 06. As that of No. 1. Rev. A long cross recercel6e, 
cutting the inner circle, cantoned by roses; a border of 
pellets. Each face is mute, the place of a legend being 
occupied by pellets. Size 4. This and No. 1 are of the 
same class, and perhaps were struck at the famous Tournay 
Mint. Many of these counters of the Sterling Type are 
found partly or wholly pierced (as both Nos. 1 and 2 are) 
in the middle. Since repeated proclamations and statutes 
(e.g. Statutum de Moneta, 1292) ordered that false coins 
were, on detection, to be bored through the middle, it may 
be that these were issued in that state to prevent their 
being plated and passed as silver pennies, as the above 
mentioned Black Money often was. The proverb Faux 

commie un jeton points to such practices, as does the 
distich : La bourse pleine de gettoers, Pour dire qu'ils ont 
de Vargent, from Coquillart's Monologue des perruques; 
15th cent. For an instance of the pillory being inflicted 
for passing gilded counters as money see Riley, Memorials 
of London, 1868, pp. 418-9, and Liber Albus, 1861, p. 521. 
{Cp. Snel., PI. I, 1, Rev.) [PI. I, 2. 

3.—0&. An open crown. Legend : aye mabia gracia p[lena]. 
Rev. A cross of three strands fleurdelis6e and fleuronnfe 
pierced with a quatrefoil centre, all within a quatrefoil 
fleuronee. Legend : ave g[racia] in the spandrels of the 
outer quatrefoil. Size 6\. Lombardic lettering. Jetton 
of the 14th century resembling the type of Maine 
(Feuardent, J e tons et MSreaux, 1904-7, 1, p. 206), perhaps 
suggested by that of the Roial of Louis IX, 1226-70. 
{Cp. La Tour, No. 1115; Snel., PI. II, 14, 15.) [PI. I, 3. 

4. — Ob. A heater-shield bearing the arms of France-modern. 
Legend : aye maria gracia. Rev. A cross of three strands 
fleurdeliste pierced with a quatrefoil centre, all within 
a quatrefoil. Legend: a[ve] m[aria], twice, in the 
spandrels of the outer quatrefoil. Size 8. Lombardic 
lettering. Fourteenth century jetton, probably from the 
Tournay Mint. {Cp. La Tour, No. 1175; Snel., PL II, 
6, 7, 8.) [PL I, 4. 

6. — Ob. A dolphin embowed, to the left. Legend : aye maria 
gracia ple[na]. Rev. As that of No. 3. Legend: 
aye m[aria] in the spandrels of the outer quatrefoil. 
Size 7. Lombardic lettering. A 14th century jetton of 
Dauphin^, as the dolphin shows. {Cp. 9 Feu., II, p. 481; 
La Tour, p. 203, and PI. XXV, 2; Snel., PI. II, 2). 

6. — Ob. A king, standing under a canopy, with a long sceptre 
in his right hand. Legend : aye maria. Rev. As that 
of Nos. 3 and 4. Legend: +av[e] g[racia] in the 
spandrels of the outer quatrefoil. Size 6. Lombardic 
lettering. This jetton is copied from a coin-type : that of 
the French Rtial d 9 or from 1322 to 1349. {Cp. La Tour, 
No. 1093; Snel., PI. II, 18.) 

7. — Ob. A king seated on a throne, with a sword in his right 


hand; by his left knee is a small rampant lion. Mute: 
in the place of a legend is an ornamentation. Rev. A 
cross fleurdelisee cantoned by quatrefoils. Legend: 
gloria tibi domine. Size 5£. Lombardic lettering. This 
jetton appears to copy the type of the Escu d'or of 
Philip VI and John II of France (1328-64), but omits the 
shield, the lion in the place of which perhaps was borrowed 
from the Lion d'or of the same period. (Cp. Snel., 
PI. II, 20.) 
8. — Ob. i.h.s. The h is cross-headed. Legend : aye mari[s] 
stella dei mate [r]. The first letter of Stella does duty 
also for the last letter of Maris : the r at the end is crowded 
ont, as often happens in legends. Rev. A cross flenr- 
delisee cantoned by guatrefoil flowers issuing from the 
ends of the cross. Legend : the same as on the Ob., but 
Mater is spelt in full. Size 7. All the lettering is 
Lombardic. Jetton of a Religious Type, from the Tournay 
Mint. According to Dugniolle (Le Jet on Historique des 
Pays Bas 9 1876, I, Pref. xl) there is evidence that these 
pieces were issued at the time of the Great Pestilence in 
the Low Countries, 1338-40, and during the Black Death, 
1347-9. Possibly they were blessed, and regarded as 
amulets. The Ob. legend gives the opening words of the 
Vesper Hymn sung at the Feast of the Virgin, which are 
an allusion to the supposed etymology of the name Mary 
in Hebrew, i.e. ' Star of the Sea.' (Cp. La Tour, Nos. 
1446, 1447; Snel., PI. II, 27, 28.) 
9. — Ob. A Saracen's head, to the right, encircled with a fillet. 
Legend: ave maria gracia ple[na]. Rev. A bowed 
cross of two strands fleurdelisee, pierced lozengy, cantoned 
by cinquefoils ; in the centre of the piercing a fleur-de-lys. 
Legend: +a ve m ar[ia], arranged between the 
points of the cross. Size 4£. Lombardic lettering. 
Jetton of the Royal Almonry of France: before 1500. 
Some examples have as Ob. legend Sarasin svi vraie. 
(See Feu., pp. 230-1; La Tour, pp. 207-8, and PI. XXV, 
7; Snel., PI. 11,22.) 
10. — Ob. A conventional single-masted ship at sea, without sails; 


for legend a succession of Lombardic letters devoid of 
meaning. Rev. The arms of France-ancient in a lozenge. 
Legend : as on the Obverse. Size 7. The familiar jettons 
of this class were struck at Nuremberg, probably in the 
first instance for use in Paris, as their Ob. and Rev. types 
combined suggest the arms of that city (see on No. 26), 
and some examples bear the legends, Voleue la gallee de 
France, or Vive le bon Ray de France. (See, too, on 
No. 12.) They spread, however, widely, and are still 
common in England. The pseudo-legends that appear on 
many were perhaps due to an intentional avoidance of any 
particular language on pieces manufactured for cosmo- 
politan sale. Counters of this pattern were evidently made 
in great numbers during the 15th and 16th centuries, 
possibly even a little later, the antique features and 
lettering being preserved as a convention. On the kindred 
piece, No. 12, though, which dates from before 1600, we 
see a step towards realism. These, and other jetans 
banana, or jetons de pacotille, as the French numismatists 
call them, being generally rude of execution and evidently 
issued at a low price, are apt to be regarded as beneath 
notice. Such pieces, nevertheless, which were used by 
the mass of the population of Western Europe, possess to 
some extent an even greater human interest than the more 
artistic and expensive coins struck for the purposes of great 
families or of government departments and corporations. 
(Cp. Snel., PI. Ill, 4.) [PI. I, 6. 

11. — Ob. A conventional single-masted ship sailing to the left. 
The sea is not shown. Legend : schif pfening nvrenberg. 
Rev. Similar to that of No. 10. Legend : hans krav- 
winckel gotes. Size 7\. A less common variety of the 
class to which No. 10 belongs. Second half of 16th 
century, the period of Hans Erauwinckel, the most 
prolific of the Nuremberg makers. From this piece 
inclusive onwards all lettering is Roman. (Cp. Snel., 
PL III, I.) 

12. — Ob. A similar ship to the last, but with three masts, and 
with much less conventional rigging. She is sailing to 


the left, and the sea is shown. Legend : hans sciivltes 
zv nvrenbehq. Rev. Similar to that of Nos. 10 and 11. 
Legend: hans schvltes nornbe[rg]. Size 7|. Second 
half of 16th century. On a counter of the same type, 
issued by Hans Laufer, of Nuremberg (c. 1610-43), is the 
legend Fluctuat nee mergitur : see on Nos. 10 and 26. 

13. — Ob. The arms of France-modern in a cartouche shield set on 
a bracket, ensigned with an arched crown, and surrounded 
by the Collar of the Order of St. Michael, between two 
laurel branches. Mute. Rev. In the centre, in three 
lines, is the inscription camera compvtor [vm] regior 
[vm] between two crescents; above is an arched crown, 
below is h for Henricus. Legend : noscenda est minerva 
svi. 1557. Size 8. Jetton of the Chambre des Comptes 
of Henry II of France. For the Collar of St. Michael, 
with its scallop-shells connected by a plexus of chains, and 
its pendent medallion bearing the image of the Saint, see 
Favine, Theater of Honour, 1623, III, vi, 371. The 
crescents on the Rev. were a device of this king adopted 
when Dauphin, and continued after his accession, in 
honour of Diana of Poitiers, and appear also on several of 
his coins. The Rev. legend is perhaps based on Vulgate : 
Matt., vii, 2; Marc, iv, 24; Luc., vi, 38. (Feu., No. 1722.) 
[PL I, 6. 

14. — Ob. The union of the Three Estates of the Realm sym- 
bolized : Man (the Nobility) and Justitia (the Judicature) 
reconciled by Pietas (the Church). At the feet of Justitia 
are the Tables of the Law, at those of Pietas the Bible. 
Legend : amans pavensq[ve]. In Ex. are two interlaced 
c's, a device of Charles IX of France, and a pair of olive 
branches crossed through them. Rev. Two interlaced 
c's, with an arched crown above and a lys below, all 
between a couple of columns each flanked by a lys. The 
rest of the field is occupied by palm branches. Legend : 
pietate et rvsTmA. In Ex. caeo[lvs] IX. Sice 8. 
Medalet-Jetton of c. 1565: probably of German make. 
The Ob. is copied from the Rev. of a French Medalet- 
Jetton of 1564 or 1565, perhaps commemorating the 


inauguration of a new regime, as the King attained his 
majority in the former year. The pair of columns and 
the legend on the Rev. formed the device and motto of 
Charles IX, godson of the Emperor Charles V, who had 
taken as a device the Pillars of Hercules. The Non (or 
Ne) of the ' Herculean inscription ' was supposed to have 
been removed by Charles V : Plus ultra Herculeas, Calf en 
Abilamque, columnar, | Carole, victoris nobile nomen 
habes. (Reusner, Imperatarum Symbola, 1607, III, 240.) 
' Ce type des deux colonnes, avec Fecu de France et la 
couronne (cp. No. 17) nous parait signifier que la Pi6t6 et 
la Justice sont les soutiens de la royautl.' (Blanchet, 
Jetons de Henri II de Navarre, Dax, 1886, p. 13. Cp. Bie, 
La France MStallique, 1636, PI. 64, xii, and p. 193; 
Fontenay, Manuel de Jetons, 1864, p. 374.) 
15.— Ob. Charles IX of France (1560-74) and his brother 
Alexander, Duke of Orleans, in Roman armour, standing 
and holding between them a branch with three lys; the 
former is indicated by the Gallic Cock, the latter by a 
wolf. (See his jetton of 1563 in Bie, PI. 72, i, and p. 213.) 
Legend: fortit[vdo] gallia[e]; the latter word is 
blundered. In Ex. h.e. Rev. Perseus on Pegasus flying 
in the air to the right; the earth below. Legend: 
perse vs. In Ex. h. krav. Size 1\. Medalet-Jetton 
struck at Nuremberg by Hans Erauwinckel temp. 
Charles IX. The Ob. is copied from the Rev. of a French 
Medalet-Jetton of 1566. For the type of the Rev. cp. 
Symeon's Vita et Metamorfoses d'Ovidio, Lyons, 1559, 
p. 72, whence it was perhaps taken. It appeared later in 
Reusner's Emblemata, Francfurt, 1581, No. 1. Devices 
taken from the Emblem Books are found on many jettons 
of the 16th and 17th centuries; see e.g., No. 93. (Cp. 
Bie, PI. 65, xvii, and p. 196; Snel., PL IV, 18.) 
[PI. I, 9. 
16. — Ob. A shield of France-modern, ensigned with an arched 
crown between a laurel and a palm branch, and surrounded 
by the Collar of St. Michael. Legend: camerae 
computor[vm] regiorvm. Rev. Peace and Justice 


standing and crossing a palm (olive?) branch and a sword 
through a laurel wreath; between them is a tripod. 
Legend: svbdvcendis bationebvs. In Ex. 1570. Size 
7 J. Jetton of the Chambre des Comptes of Charles IX of 
France. The Rev. legend (wrongly translated in Medallic 
Illustrations of British History, I, p. 163, No. 147) means 
' For casting accounts/ and is commonly found on counters 
of this department, and occasionally on those of the 
Chambre des Monnaies, in the second half of the 16th 
century. (Feu., No. 1744.) [PL I, 7. 

17. — Ob. A king (as is shown by the arched crown above his 
head) in a lion's skin, removing the Pillars of Hercules; 
on the right are the Tables of the Law and a pen, on the 
left a bow and quiver. Legend : hercvle maior erit. 
In Ex. 1588. Rev. A shield of France-modern ensigned 
with an arched crown ; beneath are two interlaced c's ; all 
between a pair of columns, flanked on the right by a bow, 
quiver, etc., emblems of Hercules, on the left by the Tables 
of the Law and a branch of laurel. Above the whole is a 
canopy. Legend : pibtate et ivstitia. In Ex. hans s. 
Size 8. This is a type of Charles IX of France (see on No. 
14), but dated within the reign of his brother and 
successor Henry III (1574-89,) and struck at Nuremberg 
by Hans Schultes for general use, though primarily 
perhaps for France. The Rev. type is copied from a 
jetton of Charles IX of 1561 or 1562. (Cp. Bie, PI. 63, iii, 
and p. 189; Snel., PI. IV, 7, Rev.) 

18. — Ob. A shield of France-modern, ensigned with an arched 
crown, and surrounded by the Collar of St. Michael. 
Legend: nil nisi consilio. Rev. Three arched crowns 
arranged in triangle, the uppermost surrounded by clouds. 
Legend: manet vltima [coeona] celo. Size 8. Gilt. 
Jetton of the type of the Conseil du Rai, temp. Henry III 
of France (1574-89). The Ob. legend, which is regularly 
found on counters of this department is perhaps based on 
Vulgate, Prov. xv, 22 : Dissipantur cogitationes ubi non 
est consilium; ubi vero sunt plures consiliarii, con- 
firmantur. On the Rev. the two lower crowns are those 


of France and Poland, the third, or Heavenly, crown 
awaits the King above. Cp. the familiar passage in 
Lydgate (temp. Henry VI of England), and his 
' application ' of the three crowns on the banner of 
St. Edmund to Henry VI, assigning two to France and 
England and the third to the future celestial crown: — 
' These thre crownys historyaly t'aplye, | By pronostyk 
notably sovereyne | To sixte Henry in fygur signefye | How 
he is born to worthy crownys tweyne, | Off France 
and England, lyneally t'atteyne | In this lyff heer, 
afterward in hevene | The thrydde crowne to receyve in 
certeyne | For his merits above the sterrys sevene.' (Cp. 
Eev. of No. 21.) This piece was perhaps minted at 
Nuremberg : if so, it is a copy of the corresponding French 
piece. The design first appears in France on a Medalet- 
Jetton struck in, or about, 1575 by the Estates of 
Burgundy, in commemoration of the progress made 
through their province that year by Henry III. 
(Blanchet, ibid., p. 12; Font., 268-9; Feu., No. 9771.) 
It was adopted on a royal jetton of 1577 (Bie, Fl. 75, xiz, 
and p. 221), and is often found during his reign. 
[PL I, 8. 

19. — Ob. The type is that of No. 18, the legend as that of No. 16. 
Rev. Fame, standing, and blowing her trumpet. Legend : 
svbdvcendis rationibvs. (See on No. 14.) In Ex. 1576. 
Size 8. Jetton of the Chambre des Compies of Henry III 
of France (Feu., No. 1766.) 

20. — Ob. As that of No. 19. Rev. An allegorical female, 
standing, holds in her right hand the decalogue, in her 
left a globe. Legend : as on Rev. of No*. 19. In Ex. 
1577. Size 8. Jetton of the same department and reign 
as the preceding piece. (Feu., No. 1756.) 

21. — Ob. A soldier in Soman armour, standing, to left; on his 
head a helmet, in his right hand a cresset (P), in his left a 
spear. At his feet the sword and helmet of (P) a defeated 
enemy. Legend: avt caesar avt nihil, the famous 
motto of Caesar Borgia. In Ex. h.k. Rev. (A variant 
of that of No. 18, q.v.) Three crowns arranged in 


triangle, the two lower ones open, the upper one arched 
and among stars. In the centre a palm and a laurel 
branch tied together; six lys are disposed about the 
field and fill up the vacant spaces. Legend : as on Rev. 
of No. 18, but coelo. Size 7£. Struck at Nuremberg by 
Hans Erauwinckel. This Key. is copied from a French 
jetton of 1684 or 1685, given in Bie, PI. 78, xxxvii, and 
p. 231. (Cp. Snel., PL IV, 17, Bev.) 
22. — Ob. A pair of clasped hands, holding two cornuacopiae, 
between which is a caduceus. Legend : pax et foel 
[icitas] temp[oevm]. In Ex. mdlxxxix in two lines. 
Rev. Venus, Minerva, and Juno, standing, with their 
respective attributes of Cupid and his bow, spear and 
Gorgon-shield, and peacock. Legend : fallas ivno venvs. 
Sice 8. This is classed by Feuardent (No. 7490) as a 
jetton Of Charles III, Duke of Lorraine from 1643 to 
1608; but it was doubtless made by Hans Erauwinckel 
of Nuremberg, as the Rev. is from a die for his Classical 
Series (Nos. 83, etc., below). The same Ob. had appeared 
on a counter of 1660 of the French Mint (Feu., No. 2138; 
with which cp. Bie, PL 62, vi, and p. 186, of the same 
year; also his Fl. 66, xxiii, and p. 199 of the year 1668, 
and Fl. 100, cv, of 1608. In 1660 it occurs again on the 
Rev. of a jetton of Poitou: Feu., No. 9045.). The date 
on this piece would suit the alliance made in Ap., 1589, 
between Henry III of France and Henry of Navarre and 
the Huguenots against the Guises and the Catholic 
Confederacy, which it may commemorate, but Bie gives 
no French medal or jetton to suit that occasion. (Snel., 
PI. IV, 12.) The type of the clasped hands with a caduceus 
between them was taken from the Roman coinage : e.g. 
the Fides Publica silver of Titus (Stevenson, Diet, of 
Ram. Cains, 1889, p. 149) ; as was the legend Temporum 
F elicit**. (Ibid., pp. 113, 380, 782-3.) 
23. — Ob. The shields of France and Navarre accoUs, ensigned 
with an arched crown, and with an h for Henricus, through 
which laurel branches pass, below them. Bound the 
shields are the collars of the Orders of St. Michael and the 


Holy Ghost (P). Legend : the same as that on the Ob. of 
No. 16. Rev. A crowned globe (the earth) surrounded 
by three concentric circles composed successively of water, 
air (shown by clouds), and fire. Legend: nvmero stant 
omnia certo. In Ex. svbdvce[ndis]ratio[nibvs]. 1600. 
in two lines. Size 8. Jetton of the Chambre des Comptes 
of Henry IV of France. When two chains surround the 
shields, that of St. Michael is always the inner one. (See 
on No. 13.) The Rev. type and its legend meant that the 
rule of Henry was as stable and regular as the processes 
of Nature. It will be noticed that a legend is often the 
fag-end of a Latin hexameter. Camden (Remains, 1674, 
366-7) says : ' A motto is most commended when it is an 
Hemistich, or parcel of a verse.' (Feu., No. 1784; Font., 
p. 127; Bie, PI. 91, li, and p. 273.) [PL I, 10. 

24. — Ob. The French King, bare-headed (as Caesar), in armour, 
and with the commander's scarf and baton of his time, 
riding to the left (cp. No. 41). Legend : henri[cvs]iih 
d.g. francor[vm] et navae[ae] rex. In Ex. H.K. 
divided by a cinquefoil. Rev. On an altar two columns 
supporting an arched crown (pp. No. 14). Bound the 
right hand column is entwined a laurel, round the other a 
palm branch, which are tied together with a bow. 
Legend : fcedera magni regis sacra. Size 1\. Medalet- 
Jetton issued by Hans Erauwinckel of Nuremberg in 
imitation of the French medal of 1602, struck on the 
occasion of the renewal of the alliance with the Swiss. 
Feuardent (No. 1155b) places this among the counters of 
the French Government Department of the Suisse* et 
Grisons. (Cp. Bie, PI. 94, lxix, and p. 283; Font., 
p. 155; Snel., PI. V, 3, Rev.) 

25. — Ob. The King of France, in armour and sword in hand, 
riding triumphant to the right over a battlefield strewn 
with weapons, etc. As on No. 24, he wears a com- 
mander's scarf. Legend : henricvs iiii gallia [sic] et 
navara [sic] rex. Rev. The shields of France-modern 
and Navarre flanking a drawn sword, hilt downwards, 
between laurel branches. The blade passes through an 


open crown and the point penetrates a heavenly chaplet set 
among clouds, from which proceed rays and branches of 
laurel and palm. Legend: omnis victoria a domino. 
Sue 7. Medalet-Jetton struck at Nuremberg in com- 
memoration of Henry's victory at Arques in 1589; the 
Rev. follows that of the French medal. (Bie, PI. 83, i, 
and p. 247.) The Rev. legend was probably suggested by 
Vulgate, I Paralip., xxix, 11. 

26. — Ob. A three-masted ship at sea, sailing to the left. Legend : 
flvctvat nbc MBEGITVR. Rev. Representation of the 
town of Nuremberg, with Mercury flying in the 
sky, symbolizing its commercial importance. Legend : 
nvrnbekg. In Ex. two palm and two laurel branches 
crossing, flanked by h.k. Size 7. Jetton issued by Hans 
Erauwinckel of Nuremberg, temp. Henry IV of France ; 
perhaps primarily for use in Paris, as the ship and its 
legend suggest, for the former is taken from the arms of 
that city, a ship under sail, with a chief semy of fleurs-de- 
lys. The ship was typical of commerce, the lys of the 
loyalty of the capital to the crown. On some early 15th 
century jettons of Paris, however, the ship is identified 
with the Church, as is shown by the following distich 
which occurs on them : — Svr tovtes cites Paris prise : Car 
sa nef figure leglise. The motto Fluctuat at nunquam 
mergitur, or Fluctuat nee mergitur, appears on Paris 
jettons first in 1581 and 1585 respectively. (See, e.g., 
Affry, Les Jetons de VEchevinage Parisien, 1878, pp. 3-7, 
18, 21.) The Rev. of this piece is virtually an advertise- 
ment of the maker's name and address. (Snel., PI. IV, 
2, 6.) [PI. I, 11. 

27. — Ob. Similar to that of No. 25, but the king is bare-headed 
(as Caesar: cp. Nos. 24, 41, 98.) Legend: henric [vs] 
iiu la [sic] roi <e [ = de] fran[ce]. In Ex. h.k. divided 
by a quatrefoil. Rev. The type bears a general resem- 
blance to the Rev. of No. 25: the shields of France- 
modern and Navarre separated by branches of laurel. 
Above them is a dolphin, on whose head an arm, descending 
from heaven, places a crown. Legend : a fransva . a 


dajtcn . a navara. 1604. Siae 8. Jeton Banal issued by 
Hans Krauwinckel of Nuremberg, perhaps in the first 
instance for use in Dauphine. The Dauphin named in the 
Rev. legend is Louis (Dauphin from 1601 to 1610), after- 
wards King as Louis XIII. (Font., p. 46; Feu., Plate 
II, 28, Ob.) 

28. — Ob. Shield of arms of France-modern, ensigned with an 
arched crown, and surrounded by a collar. Legend : 
henri[cv8] im boy de fran[ce] et navares. Rev. Two 
nude children, seated on a hillock, embrace with one arm 
and hold each a lys in the disengaged hand; rays from 
Heaven descend upon them. Legend : hog foedere lilia 
florent. Size 4£. Medalet- Jetton commemorating the 
marriage of Henry IV of France with Mary dei Medici 
in 1601 : perhaps distributed to the populace upon the 
occasion. The Rev. legend, of course, refers to this 
alliance. (Cp. Bie, PI. 92, lvii, and p. 277.) 

29. — Ob. As that of No. 23. Rev. Apollo and Diana, as children, 
stand, holding hands, on the island of Delos. A fleet 
surrounds them as protection. Legend : stat prole hac 


Size 7\. Jetton of the Chambre des Comptes of Henry IV 
of France. This piece commemorates the birth of two of 
Henry's children, Louis, afterwards Louis XIII, and 
Elizabeth, afterwards Queen of Philip IV of Spain. In 
the Rev. legend stat refers to the island being chained by 
Jupiter to the bottom of the sea in order to provide a safe 
resting place for Latona during the birth of her children 
Apollo and Diana. (Feu., No. 1788; Bouyer, Revue 
Numis. Beige, 1884, PL I.) 
30. — Ob. The princess Henrietta Maria, standing, facing to the 
front; in her right hand is a branch of myrtle (P), her left 
rests on a table, on which is a vase of lilies, representing her 
native land. Legend : henr[ici] gall[iae] reg[is] filia. 
Rev. Probably the apple of Venus. Legend: cedent 
tres vni. h. krauwingel. Size 8. This Medalet-Jetton 
from Nuremberg celebrates the marriage of Henrietta 
Maria, daughter of Henry IV of France, to Charles I of 


England on 13 June, 1625. The myrtle on the Ob. would 
be appropriate as the myrtus conjugate of Cato, sacred to 
Venus. (Pliny, Hist. Nat., XV, 36, 37.) The Rev. 
legend, taken as meaning ' Three will accrue to one,' may 
signify that three kingdoms, England, Scotland, and 
Ireland, will fall to Henrietta. (Feu., No. 12,033, and 
PI. VI, 125a; Snel., PI. V, 10.) 

31. — 06. Bust of Louis XIII of France to left, laureated and 
wearing a ruff. Legend : gratvm quo sospite coelvm. 
Rev. Similar in type to the Ob. of Nos. 23 and 29, but 
below the shields is l, for lvdovicvs. Legend : lvdovicvs 
xiii francorvm et navarae rex. Size 8. This Medalet- 
Jetton must have been issued early in the reign, as the 
young head and the ruff show: probably in 1615 (see 
Feu., Plate III, 62.) It is a good example of the great 
superiority of French over German work. In the Ob. 
legend gratum must be taken as * thankworthy ' ; which 
suggests that thanks were due to Heaven for having 
preserved the king till the attainment of his majority, 
which was on 27 Sept., 1614, when he reached his 
fourteenth year. The French kings then came of age. 
Medallic jettons are often a year late : see on No. 37. 

32. — Ob. Young bust of Louis XIII of France, to right, crowned 
and wearing a ruff. Legend : lvdo[vicvs] xiii d. g. 
franc[orvm] et na[varae] rex Christiana [blundered 
for christtani[ssimvs]. Rev. The city of Reims; a 
hand from Heaven supplies the ampulla containing the 
oil of consecration. Legend: franc[is] data mvnera 
coeli xvn [octobris 1610]. In Ex. RHEMIS. W. L. 1615. 
in two lines. Size 8. A reminiscent Medalet- Jetton 
commemorating the coronation of this king at Reims 
17 Oct., 1610, issued presumably by Wolf Lauffer of 
Nuremberg (cp. No. 36), though from the red colour of 
the metal it resembles a Low Country counter. (Feu., 
No. 7884a; cp. Bie, PL 110, i, and p. 327. For a similar 
type in the next reign see Menestrier, Histoire du Roy 
Lovis le Grand par les MSdailles, Jetons, 8fc, 1693, p. 5.) 

33. — Ob. Similar in type to that of No. 23, including the collars, 


but below the shields is a crowned monogram which is not 
clear ; perhaps l and m for Louis XIII and his mother the 
queen-regent Mary, or h and l for Louis and his father 
Henry IV. Legend : lvdovicys xiii d.g. fraxcorvm et 
nav[arae] rex. Rev. A young tree growing round and 
clothing with foliage its dead parent stem so as to make it 
appear alive. Legend : viveee credit amor. Sice 8. 
Medalet- Jetton of Louis XIII; undated, but 1611. The 
Bey. type is emblematic of the youthful king's love for 
the memory of his father, and its legend, perhaps 
suggested by Verg., JEn. y I, 222, is to be explained as 
Amor filii patrem vivere credit. (Bie, PL 110, iv, and 
p. 328.) 
34. — Ob. Similar in type to No. 33. Legend: lvd[ovicvs] 


eagle of Jupiter, representing France, darting thunder- 
bolts, but holding in his beak an olive branch. Legend : 
pacem dvello miscvit. In Ex. 1615. Size 8. The Rev. 
type and legend explain one another, and perhaps refer to 
the winning over of the Parliament of Paris by the Queen- 
Regent Mary dei Medici from the malcontent nobles 
which averted civil war. 

35. — Ob. Similar in type and legend to No. 18 (q-v.), but the 
outer collar is added, as on No. 31. Rev. A hand from 
Heaven weighing two crowns, that of France accompanied 
by the sceptre and the Hand of Justice, the other by ears 
of corn. Legend: qvo lilia vergvnt. In Ex. 1633. 
Size 7\. Jetton of the Conseil du Roi of Louis XIII of 
France. The Rev. type and legend seem to signify that 
the royal government and national prosperity tend to an 
equipoise. (Feu., No. 143; Bie, PI. 129, cxviii, and 
p. 397.) 

36. — Ob. The busts of Louis XIII of France and his queen Anne 
of Austria, jugate, to right, both crowned and wearing 
ruffs; the king in armour. Legend: lvdo[vicvs] xiii 


[ae]. Rev. A pair of hearts united by the words caritas, 
spes, fides, in three fillets; above is an arched crown with 


a palm and a laurel branch on either side; below are l 
for lvdovicvs, and a for anna, divided by the Austrian 
eagle. On a ribbon beneath this is the inscription 
nvnquam ma&cescent, under which is h.k. separated by 
a floral decoration. Size 8. Medalet- Jetton struck at 
Nuremberg by Hans Krauwinckel, commemorating the 
marriage of Louis with Anne in 1615. Nunquam 
marcescent is probably adapted from Vulgate, Jac., I, 11 : 
dives marcescet. (Font., p. 49; Snel., PI. V, 8.) 

37. — 06. Similar to that of No. 36. The legend reads hispan. 
Rev. As that of No. 36, but the date, 1616, and the 
initials of the maker, w.l., are divided by the hearts, and 
there is of course no h.k. at the bottom. Size 8\. 
Medalet- Jetton, as the last, but struck by Wolf Laufifer of 
Nuremberg, and of ruder work. In the redness of the 
metal this piece resembles No. 32 by the same manu- 
facturer. Medalet-Jettons often bear the date of their 
year of issue, not that of the event they record ; thus, like 
this one, they are frequently a year late, sometimes more : 
cp. Nos. 31, 32, 38. 

38. — Ob. Similar in type to the Rev. of No. 34, but the shields 
are somewhat smaller, and there are differences in the 
outer collar. Legend : lvdovicvs xiii d.g. fbancobvh bt 
nav[abae] hex. Rev. The right arm of the Virgin 
issuing from Heaven, on the right, holds the crown of 
France, the reflection of which in the sea two dogs are 
trying to seize. In the left distance is the town of 
Bochelle. Legend : avidi fallvntvr in vmbba. In Ex. 
1629. Size 7£. Medalet- Jetton commemorating the 
defeat of Buckingham at Rochelle in 1627, but dated two 
years later. The dogs on the Rev. represent England and 
the Huguenots. The type and the legend explain each 
other, and doubtless were suggested by Phaedrus, Fab., I, 
iv, Cants Deceptus. (Cp. Feu., 9097—9101). [PL I, 12. 

39. — Ob. Bust of Louis XIII to left, laureated and wearing a 
toga. Legend: lvd[ovicvs] xiii d.g. franc[oevm] et 
nava[rae] rex. Rev. A cornucopiae showers from 
Heaven fruits, corn, etc., upon persons of both sexes, who 


collect them in baskets and bags. Legend : divitias dii 
dant bt jvra frvendi. In Ex. 1639. Size 7 J. The Rev. 
legend seems to be adapted from Horace, Epist,, I, iv, 7: 
Di tibi divitias dederant artemque fruendi. This was a 
year of success for French policy, which may be here 
recorded. [PL I, 13. 

40. — Ob. Similar in type to that of No. 39. Legend : lvdovic 
[vs] xui d.g. f[rancorvm] bt na[varae] rex. Rev. A 
dolphin coiled round an anchor. Legend : ad spem spes 
addita gallis. In Ex. 1643. Size 6£. Medalet-Jetton 
of Dauphine commemorating the birth of Philip, Duke of 
Orleans, second son of Louis XIII, apparently published 
at the time of the accession of his elder brother Louis XIV, 
who, of course, is referred to in the spem of the Bey. 
legend. (Feu., No. 11161a) The Delphinus anchorae 
implicitus is probably taken from the Rev. of a First 
Brass of Domitian, or of a Denarius of Titus. (Stevenson, 
pp. 44, 339.) 

41. — 06. Louis XIII on a prancing horse, to left, bare-headed 
(as Caesar; cp. Nos. 23, 27, 98), in armour, wearing a ruff 
and a captain's scarf, and holding in his left hand the 
baton of a commander, as on No. 24. Legend : lvdovicvs 
xiii d.q. fran[corvm] et na[varae rex]. Rev. Similar 
to that of No. 25. Legend : wolf lavfeb rechen pfening 
m[acher]. Size 8. A Nuremberg jeton banal, which, 
judging from the king's wearing a ruff, not a collar, was 
probably issued early in the reign. (Snel., PL V, 6.) 
For the scarf and baton of a military leader in the 
17th century see the Title Page of Robert Ward's 
Animadversions of Warre, 1639. 

42. — Ob. Bust of Anne of Austria to right. Legend : anna d. 
gratia fr[ancorvm], continued on the Rev., et nay 
[arae] reg [in a] regni moderatrix. Rev. Shield of 
arms of France-modern impaling the partly dimidiated 
arms of Anne, ensigned with an arched crown and 
surrounded by an interlaced cordon. Size 7 J. Medalet- 
Jetton commemorating the Regency of the widow of 
Louis XIII during the minority (1643-61) of her son 


Lout XIV. TW aims of the queen-mother as displayed 
here are cwrioos: — Per fess (A) quarterly. Castile and 
Learn; (B) Anstria-ancient [gmles % a fess argent; but 
wrongly shown : on some pieces of this series it is correctly 
given]; aver all are two escutcheons, dimidiated and 
attacked ta the malar lime: that in chief the sinister half 
of the arms of Partmaal, that in hose the sinister half of 
those af Flanders. 

43. — Ob. Youthful bust of Louis XIV to right, laureated and in 
toga. Legend: lotis xttit nor d[k] fr[ance] et de 
xavare. Rer. Three hearts ensigned with an arched 
crown. Legend : lbs earns fideles. Size 6£. Medalet- 
Jetton published in 1643 to commemorate the alliance of 
France, Portugal, and the Low Countries made on the 
1st June in the preceding year. (Font., p. 157; cp. Feu., 
No. 161.) The Rev. type, with a different legend, had 
appeared in 1615 on a jetton of Louis XIII, symbolizing 
the union of the Three Estates under the Crown. (Bie, 
PI. 114, xxix, and p. 342.) 

44. — Ob. Nearly full-faced youthful bust of Louis XIV, in long 
hair; crowned, and wearing a lace-edged collar or ' falling- 
band.' Legend : lvdovic[vs] xmi d.g. fr[ancorvm] et 
navar[ab] rex. Rev. In general similar to that of No. 

34, but the shields have angular bases, and the details of 
the collars are fanciful owing to the ignorance of the 
designer or the die-cutter. Legend: conrad lavfer 
rech[en] pfenig mach[er] i[n] nv[rnberg]. Sice 7. A 
stock counter for general use, issued very early in the reign 
of Louis XIV, as the portrait shows. I have been unable 
to find any French model for this bust. [PI. I, 14. 

45. — Ob. Young bust of Louis XIV to right, bare-headed, with 
long hair; in armour, scarf, and falling lace-collar. 
Legend: lvd[ovicvs] xiiii d.g. fr[ancorvm] et nav 
[arae] rex. Rev. Practically the same as that of No. 

35, with slight differences of detail. These two collars are 
well shown in Menestrier, p. 5, fig. 3. Legend : nil nisi 
consilio. (See on No. 18.) Size 7. Jetton of the Conseil 
du Roi. Undated, but 1651. (Cp. Feu., No. 199.) 


46. — Ob. Young bust of Maria Theresa to right. Legend: 
mar[ia] thbr[bsa] d.g. fr[ancorvm] et nav[arae] 
beg [in a]. Rev. The queen in a canopied chariot, 
attended by halbardiers, etc., is about to pass under a 
triumphal arch. Legend : avgvstae paciferae lvtetiam 
felix ingressvs. In Ex. 26 avg. 1660. Size 8. Medalet- 
Jetton commemorating the state entry into Paris, on the 
date given, of Louis XIV and his bride Maria Theresa, 
after their marriage on the 9 June preceding. The felix 
ingressus of the Bey. legend occurs on the Rev. of a gold 
coin of Maximianus Herculeus. (Stevenson, p. 383.) 
There are numerous variants of this jetton. (See Feu., 
pp. 271-2, and PI. xiii, 268; Menestrier, p. 36, fig. 31; 
Midailles de Louis le Grand, 1723, p. 59; Van Loon, 
Histoire Mitallique des Pays Bas, 1732, III, 451; 
Dugniolle, Le Jeton Historique des Pays Bas, 1876-80, 
No. 4155; De la Hode, Histoire de Louis le Grand, 1740-2, 
II, 624, and PL V, 28; Bazin, Hist, de France sous 
Louis XIII et Mazarin, 1846, pp. 449, 453.) [PI. I, 15. 

47. — 06. Head of Louis XIV, to right, in periwig. Legend: 
lvdovicvs magnvs REX. Rev. The eagle of Jupiter with 
thunderbolts in his left claw flying above a plain ; a town 
(Dunkirk P) in the distance. Legend : sine cbimine gessi. 
Size 7. The Rev. is of the type of Feuardent's No. 655, a 
jetton of the Extraordinaire des Guerres of France for 
1662. Contemporary, but possibly made in Germany. 

48. — Ob. Bust of Louis XIV, to right, in periwig and Soman 
costume. Legend: lvd[ovicvs] xiiii d.g. fr[ancorvm] 
et kav[abae] rex. Rev. The sun shining on land from 
which young laurels are springing up. Legend : ivbet 


1664. Size 8. This is a modern re-strike (1860-70) from 
the original dies at the French Mint of the jetton of the 
department specified for the year named. The Rev. type 
possibly refers to the purchase of Dunkirk from Charles II 
of England in Nov., 1662. The sun represents Louis, 
having been chosen as his device by the Academy of 
Inscriptions constituted by 'him in the preceding year. 


(Feu., No. 429; Menestrier, p. 47, No. 4.) Some of these 
restrikes have r.f. for refrappe, below the bust: others 
have a plain edge with argent or cuivre incuse upon it. 

49. — Ob. Bust of Louis XIV, to right, in periwig and toga. 
Legend: lvd[ovicvs] xim d.g. fr[ancorvm] et nav 
[arae] bex. Rev. A hedgehog walking to the right. 
Legend : maqni agminis instar. In Ex. extraordinaire 
des gverres. 1667. Size 7^. The hedgehog occurs, as 
an appropriate symbol, on several of the counters of the 
French War Office; and the Rev. legend, which is from 
Verg., J5n., VII, 707, is suited to its device. (Feu., 
No. 663.) 

50. — 06. Bust of Louis XIV, to right, in periwig and armour. 
Legend: lvd[ovicvs] xihi d.g. fr[ancorvm] et nav 
[arae] rex. Rev. A swarm of bees; their queen 
surrounded by a glory. Above them are clouds, below is 
the earth. Legend : instant operi bellisqve. In Ex. 
1670. Size 6£. Jetton of the same department as Nos. 
47 and 49. The Rev. legend was presumably suggested by 
Verg., JEn., I, 508. (Feu., No. 669.) 

51. — Ob. Older head of Louis XIV, to right, in periwig and 
laureated. Legend : lvdovicvs magnvs rex. Under the 
truncation n. Rev. A conduit of Renaissance architecture 
with its fountain, explaining the legend: hinc decvs 


1695. Size 7. Jetton of the department indicated. The 
n. on the Ob. may be the signature of Jacques Nilis, who 
engraved medals and jettons at Paris from 1685 to 1695, 
and so signed himself sometimes : see Rondot, Midailleurs 
en France, 1904, p. 325. (Feu., No. 2411.) 
52. — Ob. Muled Jetton composed of two Reverses : (1) Neptune 
standing, and brandishing his trident, in a shell-car 
drawn by a pair of sea-horses, to the left, over a calm sea. 
Legend: aeqttora lustrando pacat. In Ex. two palm 
branches crossed. (2) Aurora, holding a light in her 
uplifted left hand, drives a two-wheeled chariot and pair 
of horses, to the right, over clouds; below is the earth. 
Legend: late cvncta profvndit. In Ex. two palm 


branches crossed. Size 7. The Neptune Rev. is that of 
the jetton of 1700 for the Galires of France, a department 
of the Marine. (Fen., No. 1441.) The legend was 
doubtless suggested by Verg., JEn., I, 128-160. The 
Aurora Rev. is, in type, the same as that of the jetton of 
Marie-Adelaide of Savoy, Duchess of Burgundy and 
mother of Louis XIV, for 1704 (Feu., No. 9744), but the 
legends differ. Here, if Aurora typifies the bounty of the 
Duchess, the legend is possibly founded upon Cicero, 
De Off., I, 24, §84, 11. 1, 2. [PL I, 16. 

53. — Ob. Head of Louis XIV, to right, in periwig. Legend: 
ludovicus Magnus bex. Under the truncation t.b. in 
monogram. Rev. The dragon Ladon guarding the golden 
apples of the Hesperides. Legend: see vat terretque 
vicissim. In Ex. galeres. 1709. Size 8. Jetton of the 
Galires of France, t.b. is the signature of Thomas 
Bernard (the second), 1675-1713, graver in ordinary to the 
king, and maker of a large number of medals and jettons : 
see IJpndot, pp. 318-9. (Feu., No. 1463.) 

64. — Ob. Bust of Louis XIY, to right, in periwig and toga. 
Legend: lvd[ovicvs] xmi d.g. fr[ancorvm] et nav 
[arae] rex. Rev. A phoenix burning on a pyre kindled 
by the sun. Legend : vt sit post fata svperstes. In 
Ex. revenvs casvels. 1667. Size 6£. Jetton of the 
department named in the exergue. On the Rev. the sun 
is, of course, Louis (see on No. 48) ; and the explanation is 
found in the legend of another jetton of the same type : — 
Sin par el que arde, sin par lo que quema, which originally 
referred to the king's marriage. The Rev. legend is 
evidently drawn from Verg., A2n., XI, 160 : Vici mea fata, 
super stes. (Feu., No. 2638; Menestrier, p. 46, Nos. 68, 

55. — Ob. Bust of Louis XIY, to right, in toga and laureated 
periwig. Legend: lovis le grand roy de France. 
Under the truncation l. g. l. Rev. An altar bearing an 
offering of ears of corn ; about it are sheaves, behind it is 
a cornfield. Legend: parvo pro mvnere qvanta. In 
Ex. parties casvelles. Size 6. The signature l. g. l. is 


that of Lazarus Gothlieb Lauffer of Nuremberg, and the 
piece is a copy, on a reduced scale, of the French official 
jetton of the department indicated for the year 1697. 
L. G. Lauffer's imitations differ from the French 
originals in bearing no dates, in being smaller, and in 
representing the king as of mature age whatever might be 
the period of his reign to which the Rev. belonged. The 
introduction of these counterfeits into France was in 1672 
made illegal (Abot de Bazinghen, TraitS des Monnoies, 
1764, I, 82), and all French pieces were ordered to be 
struck at the Louvre mint. This prohibition, however, 
was ineffective, and Nuremberg continued to flood France 
with jetons banaux which undersold the superior 
productions of Paris. In the Rev. legend quanta is the 
cornfield in the rear, which represents the great result of 
the little offering ; and probably is meant to suggest how 
much the country gets back from the king in return for 
the small income of this department. (Feu., No. 2693.) 
[PL I, 17. 

56. — Ob. Head of Louis XIY, to right, in laureated periwig. 
Legend: lvdovicvs magnvs hex. Signature under 
truncation l. g. l. Rev. France personified as a female, 
standing, facing to the right, and armed with helmet, 
spear, sword, and shield; at her feet are architectural 
implements. Legend : abmis nunc tota. In Ex. scroll- 
work, instead of a date. Size 6£. For the signature see 
No. 55. Reduced copy (see under No. 55), made at 
Nuremberg, of the jetton of the French department of the 
Bastiments du Roy, or Aedificia Reffia, for 1696. The 
Rev. type apparently alludes to the exhausted state of 
France at the opening of that year : no resources were left 
for the royal buildings, every penny being needed for 
military purposes. (Cp. Feu., No. 3055.) [PL I, 18. 

57. — Ob. Similar in type and legend to that of No. 56, but the 
king is not laureated, and with the same signature. Rev. 
The emblems of Hercules, his bow, club, and lion's pelt, 
laid aside in token of peace, rest against an unfinished 
building; a park, with an avenue, is on the right. 


Legend : et svnt otia diyis. In Ex. EDiFiciA[nc] regia, 
above scroll-work in place of a date. Size 6^. For the 
signature see No. 55. Reduced copy (see under No. 55), 
made at Nuremberg, of the jetton of the Bastiments du 
Roy of France for 1697. The Rev. type and legend 
commemorate the Peace of Ryswick, 30 Oct. in that year. 
The incomplete masonry denotes the suspension of building 
operations referred to in connection with No. 56; while 
the Rev. type and legend of the next jetton issued for this 
department bears out the explanation given of these last 
two pieces:— Minerva laying down her arms, with the 
legend Veteres revocabit arte*. [PI. I, 19. 

58. — 06. Bust of Maria Theresa, queen of Louis XIV, to right; 
older than that on No. 46. Legend : 1£ab[ia] ther[esa] 
d.g. fe[ancoevm] et nav[aeae] reg[ina]. Rev. The 
Argo sailing back, to right, with the Golden Fleece 
hanging from its mast. Legend : mevs et mihi vicit 
iason. In Ex. 1668. Size 7. Medalet-Jetton possibly 
commemorating the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle between 
France and Spain, 2 May, 1668. The portrait of Maria 
Theresa would be appropriate, as she was the daughter of 
Philip IY of Spain; and the Rev. type with its legend 
would be easily intelligible : Louis being Jason, his queen 
Medea, her father Aeetes, and the French conquests in the 
Spanish Netherlands the Golden Fleece, which, too, 
would have a further symbolical reference to the Order of 
Flanders. Van Loon, however, (III, 14, 15) allots this 
piece to the first conquest of Franche-Comptt : see under 
No. 60. [PI. I, 20. 

69. — Ob. Young bust (cp. No. 46) of Maria Theresa, to right. 
Legend: mae[ia] thee[esa] d.g. fe[ancoevm] et nav 
[abae] beg[ina]. Rev. A burning-glass standing on a 
plain with the sun shining through it. Legend: hinc 
s?lendoe et akdoe. In Ex. 1669. Size 7. Medalet- 
Jetton originally struck to commemorate the marriage of 
Louis XIY and Maria Theresa (Menestrier, p. 46, fig. 57); 
but as this is dated nine years later, it evidently continued 
to be issued long after the event. Possibly it was a 


popular piece that sold well. On the Rev. the sun is the 
king, as usual, the burning-glass the queen. The type 
and legend explain one another. The same device had 
occurred earlier on two jettons of Fabert, sheriff of Meti 
in 1611 and 1624 (Robert, J e tons de Metz, 1853, pp. 36-6, 
PL II, 1, 3; and on a jetton of the queen-mother Mary 
dei Medici, of 1620, where she is the glass, her son 
Louis XIII the sun. . (Bie, PI. 107, xxxi, and p. 321) ; 
and appeared later on one of 1701, of Marie- Adelaide of 
Savoy, wife of Louis, Duke of Burgundy (grandson of 
Louis XIV), and mother of Louis XV. (Feu., Nos. 9731- 
9736a; Font., p. 60.) [PL II, 1. 

60. — Ob. As that of No. 49. Rev. Louis XIV, in Roman 
costume, holding up in his right hand a palm branch, in 
his left a figure of Victory, stands between France, resting 
after battle, and Burgundy, kneeling and presenting him 
with a palm. Legend : lvdovico xiv ob sebvataic vicns 
seqvanis provtnciam. Size 7. Medalet- Jetton commemo- 
rating the first conquest of Franche-Comptt by Louis in 
1668. (Feuardent, No. 9803; Van Loon, III, 137; 
Menestrier, p. 37, fig. 49.) [PL II, 2. 

61. — Ob. As that of No. 56. Rev. Victory flying to the right, 
holding in her right hand a laurel wreath, in her left a 
standard of the arms of France; below are a cannon, 
powder-barrels, shot, and flags. Legend: pvgna ad 
senefam. Size 6£. Counter struck by Lazarus Gothlieb 
Lauffer of Nuremberg in imitation of the Medalet-Jetton 
commemorating the battle of Senef , at which William of 
Orange was defeated by Conde, 11 Aug., 1674. The Rev. 
type advertizes the capture of colours and munitions of 
war made by the French. (Cp. Van Loon, III, 144; 
Dugniolle, No. 4326; MSdailles de Louis le Grand, 1723, 
I, 137; De la Hode, III, 506, and PL XIV, No. lxxix.) 
[PL II, 3. 

62. — Ob. Similar to that of No. 51 (q*v.) f but not laureated. Rev. 
Victory, standing on the hull of a classical warship, 
brandishes in her right hand a thunderbolt and holds in 
her left a palm branch. Legend: incensa batavorvm 


classe. Size 6^. Medalet-Jetton commemorating the 
burning of the Dutch fleet at Tabago on 3rd March, 1677. 
The Rev. type bears a strong resemblance to that recording 
the naval victory of Demetrius Poliorcetes over Ptolemy, 
given in Montfaucon, I, PL 16, iv. (Dugniolle, No. 4374; 
Van Loon, III, 208; Menestrier, p. 20; De la Hode, IV, 
109, and PI. IV, No. xxiii ; MSdailles de Louis le Grand, 
63. — Ob. Two marshal's batons, ornamented with lys, in salt ire, 
passing through a cypher composed of two italic L's; 
the whole ensigned with an arched crown. Legend : 


plate issuing from a cloud on the right and holding a 
8 word, to the blade of which is tied a wreath of olive and 
oak. Legend: non sine ntjmine. Size 8. A modern 
(1860-70) re-strike (like No. 48) from the original dies at 
the Trench Mint of a jetton of the department of the 
Constable and Marshal of France, temp. Louis XIV. 
(Feu., No. 1660; Font., p. 168.) 

64. — Ob. Bust of the Dauphiness Anna Maria to right. Legend : 
anna Maria cheist[ina] delphina. Rev. A crown in 
the sky among clouds and stars; below is the earth. 
Legend : novvm decvs addita coelo. In Ex. mdclxxxi. 
Size 7. Medalet-Jetton commemorating the marriage of 
this Bavarian Princess with Louis XIV's son, Louis the 
Dauphin, who died in 1711, vita patris. The bride is 
added as a new star to the heaven presided over by the 
sun, Louis XIV. (Feu., No. 11178.) 

65. — Ob. Shield of the arms of Burgundy (1 and 4, France-ancient 
within a bordure compony argent and gules; 2 and 3, 
Burgundy ancient, bendy of six [wrongly shown] or and 
azure within a bordure gules), ensigned with a prince's 
crown of France ; behind the shield is a stiff mantle of the 
same arms, the lining semy of lys. Legend : estats de 
bovbgogne. Rev. Louis XIV, as Hercules, with lion's 
skin and club, standing on a battle-field strewn with 
corpses, cannon, etc. Legend: il assevre mon repos. 
In Ex. mdclxxxviii. Size 9. Medalet-Jetton of the 


Estates of Burgundy :— ' En 1688/ says Fontenay, p. 297, 
' la Bourgogne, qui commen^ait a respirer, representa le 
roi sous les traits d'Hercule au repos.' (Feu., No. 9821.) 

66. — Ob. Three-quarter bust, to right, of the Dauphin Louis 
(6. 1661), son of Louis XIV, laureated and in lace-edged 
collar. Legend : gallictts delphinus. Rev. A dolphin 
swimming to the left ; above him the inscription j'aime et 
suib aims. Legend: conbad lauffe[r] bech[en] pfen 
[ing] mach[eb] in ntjbnb[ebg]. Size 8. Gilt. German 
jeton de pacotille commemorating the prince named : c. 
1674. The inscription on the Rev., of course, suits the 
legendary character of the dolphin, the canting heraldic 
bearing of the Dauphins of France. (Feu., No. 11168.) 
For a similar piece by Wolf Lauffer see Loir, Monnaies 
etc. de Mantes, 1869, PL V, fig. 3; cp. Snel., PI. V, 9.) 
[PI. II, 4. 

67. — Ob. Bust of Louis XIV, to right, in periwig, armour, and 
steinkirk. Legend: lovis xiv boy de fb. et de nav. 
Rev. A circular shield of France-modern, between crossed 
palm branches and ensigned with an arched crown. 
Legend : iohann weidingebs bechen pf[ening]. Size 9. 
Jeton de pacotille issued c. 1690 (?) by Johann Weidinger 
of Nuremberg. The Rev. follows a French coin type, one 
of those of the silver Scu of the time. 

68. — Ob. Bust of Louis of XIV, to right, in periwig and toga. 
Legend : lvd. xiiii d.g. fb. et nav. bex. Rev. A 
' square ' shield of France-modern ensigned with an arched 
crown. Legend : cobnelivs lavffebs bechen pfen[ing]. 
Size 7. Jeton de pacotille of c. 1680 (F), issued by another 
member of the Lauffer family of Nuremberg. The Rev. 
imitates one of the other types of the French silver icu. 

69. — Ob. Similar to that of No. 67. The Rev. follows the same 
type of the French silver icu as No. 68. Legend : laza 
[bvs] gottl[ieb] lavffebs bech[en] pfening. Size 8£. 
Jetton, c. 1675 (P), of the same character as the last two. 

70. — Ob. Head of Louis XIV, to right, in periwig. Legend : 
lvd. xiiii d.g. fb. e[t] nav. bex. Rev. A cross formed 
of four lys, ensigned with an arched crown. Legend : 


laz[abvs] gottl[ibb] lavffebs bech[en] pfen[ing]. 
Size 4. Jetton of the same class, maker, and date as 
No. 69. The Rev. type was suggested by that of the 
lis d'or of Louis XIV. 
71. — Ob. Bust of Charles III of Spain, to right, in periwig, 
armour, bands, and collar of the Golden Fleece. Legend : 


Rev. View of the city and harbour of Barcelona. Legend ; 


contra eosd[em] defensa. 1706. Size 6£. Medalet- 
Jetton commemorating the taking of Barcelona from the 
French in 1705, and its defence against them in the 
following year. The place of its manufacture is uncertain : 
probably this was either Nuremberg or Gotha. (Van Loon, 
Y, 22, No. vi; Le Clerc, Explication des MSdailles des 
Provinces-Unies, 1723, p. 176; Rapin, Medals of Queen 
Anne, III, 12; M.I.B.H., II, 283, No. 89.) 

72. — 06. Young bust of Louis XV, to left, in laureated periwig, 
Soman armour, and scarf . Legend: lvd. xv d.g. fb. et 
n. bex. Rev. The youthful king, as Apollo radiated, 
standing, bow in hand, after overcoming the Python, 
which lies dead at his feet. Legend: vis animi cum 
cobpobe crescit. Size 6£. Med alet- Jetton, probably 
struck at Nuremberg, following the type of the French 
medal of 1718. The Python presumably represents the 
Spanish Minister Alberoni. At the side of Apollo's head 
is a flaw. (See Fleurimont, Midailles du Regne de 
Louis XV, n.d., but soon after 1736, PI. 10.) 

73. — Ob. Head of Louis XV as a child, to right, with long hair 
and laureated. Legend : lvd. xv. d.g. fb. et nav. bex. 
Rev. France, trampling on the shield of arms of 
Fontarabia, offers an olive branch to Spain. Legend: 
pacis fibhandae ereptum pi gnus. Size 7. Medalet- 
Jetton, probably of Nuremburg manufacture, following 
the type of the French medal of 1719 recording the capture 
of the town of Fontarabia, 16 June, in that year, in 
consequence of which peace was expected, as the Rev. 
legend tells us. The two figures are distinguished by their 


shields : the arms on that of Fontarabia are only shown 
here conventionally. (Fleurimont, PI. 13.) 

74. — Ob. The arms (azure, a traded chevron between two mullets 
in chief and a cinquefoil in base argent) of Etienne 
Baudinet, Mayor of Dijon, in an oval shield, set on a 
bracket ensigned with a French viscount's coronet and 
supported by unicorns. Legend : cum vibtute diu stabit 
honos. In Ex. 1727. Rev. The arms of the town of 
Dijon (Per fess: in chief 1. Burgundy modern] 2. 
Burgundy-ancient; in base a field gules) in a ' square ' 
shield, between two branches of laurel, ensigned with an 
arched crown. Legend: ville de dijon. In Ex. m. 
baudinet vicomte liAiEUB. Size 9. For the arms see 
No. 65. (Feu., No. 10090.) [PI. II, 5. 

75. — Ob. Young bust of Louis XV, to right, in toga and laureated 
periwig. Legend : lud. xv d. g. fb. et na. hex. Rev. 
Occasio (' Opportunity '), or Fortune, wafted on her shell- 
boat over the sea, to the left, with a sail in her hands. In 
the distance are two ships, one afloat, the other sinking. 
Legend : das klvck kombt. v. oben. In the field to the 
left is ee[chen], to the right pf[ening]. In Ex. i. c. h. 
Size 6. Jeton de pacotille made at Nuremberg by Johann 
Conrad Hoger, in the early years of Louis XY. The Rev. 
type is common on counters. Good and evil fortune are 
symbolized by the two ships. A similar conceit appears 
on the title-page of Yossius' edition of Justin (Elzevir, 
Amsterdam, 1664), where on the right side of Fortune is 
a ship sailing and an evidently prosperous city, on the left 
a vessel in distress and a town in flames. This piece was 
probably intended for use in play as well as for keeping 
accounts, which no doubt was the case with many of these 
18th century common counters. A jetton in my own 
collection, undated, but certainly not earlier than 1750, 
bears the legend Nuernberger Spiel $ Rechen-Pfennig. 

76. — Ob. Bust of Louis XY, to right, in toga and laureated 
periwig. Legend: lvd. xv. d.g. fb. et. n. bex. Rev. 
The sun shining on three lillies growing from one root. 
Legend : albebicht hogeb rech[e]n pfen[ing]. Size 4£. 


Contemporary jeton de pacotille struck at Nuremberg by 
the maker named. The Rev. type is copied from a French 
jetton of 1682 commemorating the birth of Louis, Duke of 
Burgundy, son of Louis the Dauphin and grandson of 
Louis XIV, the three lillies representing these three 
princes. (Cp. Snel., PL V, 16.) 

77. — Ob. Young bust of Louis XVI, to left, in tye-wig and 
military uniform with decorations. Legend : lvd. xvi 
d.g. fb. et nay. rex. On truncation of arm reioh. Rev. 
A fountain playing. Legend : omnibvs non sibi. In Ex. 
ietton. Size 6. Contemporary jeton de pacotille struck 
at Nuremberg by Johann Christian Reich. The Rev. type 
and legend, appropriate to the head of a state, are copied 
from earlier pieces. 

78. — Ob. Similar to that of No. 77, but much better work. Below 
the bust is b. Rev. An infant seated on a dolphin, which 
is swimming to the left in a calm sea ; in his left hand the 
child holds a lily (P) In Ex. a double festoon. Legend: 
felicitas publica. Size 6. Jeton de pacotille by the 
maker of the preceding counter. The type and legend of 
the Rev. suggest that the birth of the Dauphin Louis 
Joseph in 1785 is commemorated. The Rev. legend is 
borrowed from the Roman coinage, on which it is common 
from Vespasian to Valerian I, e.g. Stevenson, p. 854. 

79. — Ob. Bust of Louis XYI, to right, in laureated periwig and 
armour. Legend : lxjd. xvi d.g. fb. et nav. bex. Rev. 
The sun shining upon an orange-tree in a box; in the 
foreground a horse gallops, in the distance is a town. 
Legend : pbivo [di te] mobibo. In Ex. i.e. a., in brackets, 
dividing be[chen] pf[ening]. Size 4J. Jeton de pacotille 
made at Nuremberg by Johann Christian Reich, temp. 
Louis XYI. The Rev. is copied from certain French 
jettons ranging in date from 1500 to 1725, and seems to 
have become popular: see, e.g., Florange, Armorial du 
Jetonophile, 1902-7, I, 110; II, 153; and Feu Nos. 6031, 
8666, 8670, 11099. In the original pieces the sun is 
bursting through clouds, and the di te, also omitted in this 
rudely executed little counter, appears in the legend. 

80. — Ob. Bust of Louis XVI, to right, in toga and laureated 
periwig. Legend : lvd. xvi d.g. fb. & n. b. Rev. A 


ship, to left, on a calm sea. Legend : alb[ebicht] hogeb 
bech[en] pfekig. Size 4J. Contemporary jeton de 
pacotille struck at Nuremberg by the maker named. The 
ship on the Rev. is perhaps that from the arms of Paris, 
perhaps merely a symbol of commerce. (Cp. SneL, PI. V, 

81. — Ob. A man, facing, seated at a cloth-covered table on which 
are jettons. The field of the coin is conventionally filled 
with other jettons. Mute. Rev. The alphabet in five 
lines; below the last 1533. Size 7£. German jeton de 
pacotille made for use anywhere. The Ob. type shows a 
Rechen-meister sitting at his Rechen-brett (or Rechen- 
tafeT) with his Rechen-pfennigen before him. On some 
pieces of this series the word Rechen-meister appears as a 
legend, and the lines, on which and between which to place 
the counters, are shown on the table. The Rev. type of an 
alphabet, which is regularly found on this class of jetton, 
perhaps represents a horn-book; this would suggest that 
possibly we have here a teacher of reckoning and reading. 
(For jettons on which the comptoir or counting-board 
appear see Feu., Nos. 194, 195, 1772, 3835, 3841-51, 10149; 
Font., p. 137; Piton, Les Lombards en France, 1892-3, I, 
65, 83, II, 31, 58, 63, 66, 89; La Tour, pp. 146, 182; Van 
Mieris, Histori de Nederlandsche Vorsten, 1732, I, 261, 
II, 330; Dugniolle, Nos. 732, 744, 1233, 3997, 4098; 
Nagl, Die Rechenpfennige und die Operative Arithmetik, 
Vienna, 1888, PI. Ill, fig. 50; SneL, PL III, 13, 14.) 
[PL II, 6. 

82. — Ob. A variant of No. 81. Undated, but of the same period. 
On the Ob. more jettons are shown upon the table, as is the 
bag in which they were kept and an account-book. The 
conventional jettons are absent from the field of the coin, 
and a tressure-like ornament occupies the spaces right and 
left of the Rechen-meister. Size 7. These, and the 
succeeding Classical, Allegorical, Political, and Biblical 
types of jetons banaux (Nos. 84-101) must have been in 
common use here in Shakespeare's time, and it was 
doubtless such pieces that are referred to in As Ton Like It, 


II, vii, 63; Cymbeline, V, iv. 174; /. Caesar, IV, iii, 80; 
Troilus, II, ii, 28; Winter's Tale, IV, iii, 38; Othello, I, 
i, 31. As to the bag shown here, it was in bags or purses 
that counters were usually kept in France. (See Affry, 
Appendices, passim.) An example of these in England 
will be found in Archaeologia, XXXVI, 290, 292. Some- 
times boxes were used : e.g. ' silver boxes for compters 
.... and fourtie compters * formed part of a New Tear's 
gift to Queen Mary in 1556. (Nichol, Illustrations of 
Manners of Antient Times, 1797, fin.) Or the jettons 
might be kept in a bowl : ' Item a standishe for 
count[e]rs.' (Inventory of La Mountroy College Wells, 
17 March, 1546. Inventories of Chantries in Somersets. 
Record Office: Exch. Q. R. Church Goods, yfy b. 
Evidences at the Munich Museum show that a basin was 
used in Germany. Occasionally the reckoning-table was 
furnished with a till for the purpose, as in the St. Gall 
board at Nuremberg. In the Low Countries cylindrical 
cases were the general fashion. (Van Loon, Inleidxng tot 
de Heedendaagsche Penningkunde, 1717, PI. p. 62. Affry, 
Introd. xviii.) 

83. — Ob. Hercules and Pallas standing side by side, with their 
attributes. The latter is about to place a wreath on the 
head of the former in acknowledgment of his fetching the 
golden apples of the Hesperides. On the top of a column 
to the right is one of the apples dedicated as booty by 
Hercules to Pallas. Legend : hercvles et pallas. In 
Ex. h.k. Rev. Neptune, trident in hand, borne over the 
sea on a dolphin ; in the distance a ship sailing. Legend : 
neptvnvs. Size 8. Jeton de pacotille made at Nuremberg 
by Hans Erauwinckel. One of a series with types taken 
from Classical Mythology, issued during the last quarter 
of the 16th and the early years of the 17th century, and 
still often found in England. Some of the groups in this 
series were taken from gems. For Neptune on a dolphin cp. 
Raspe, Catalogue of Gems, 1791, I, Nos. 2556, 2567. 
(Snel., PL IV, 8.) 

84. — Ob. Minerva, standing, with spear and aegis, attended by a 


lion and a boar. Legend: frangit et atollit. Rev. 
Procris, with her spear and dog, giving the latter to 
Cephalus. Legend: cephalvs. procris. In Ex. h.k. 
Size 8. Jeton Banal of the same series as No. 83. The Ob. 
legend is from Proper ti us, V, vi, 51, ' It is the cause that 
weakens or raises courage.' (Snel., PL IV, 16.) [PI. II, 8. 

85. — Ob. Meleager giving to Atalanta the head of the Calydonian 
boar, the carcase of which lies at their feet. Legend: 
meliager[»'c]. Rev. Apollo and Diana, standing, the 
former radiated and with his lyre, the latter with spear, 
bow, quiver, and hound. Legend : apollo diana. In Ex. 
h.k. Size 8. Jeton Banal of the same series as Nos. 83 
and 84. (Snel., PI. IV, 13.) 

86. — Ob. Pluto, standing, with his staff in his left hand and 
Cerberus sitting by his right side. Legend : plvtanvs. 
By his left foot is h.k. In Ex. 1582. Rev. Fortune, 
seated on her wheel, with Saturn, or Time, horned, 
bearded, winged, and goat-legged, bound and padlocked, 
in a leash before her; she holds his scythe in her left hand. 
Sun-rays burst through clouds on the right. Legend: 
fortvna variabilis. In Ex. h.k. Size 7$. Gilt. Jeton 
Banal of the same series as Nos. 83 to 85. For Saturn 
chained, cp. Raspe, No. 760. (Snel., PI. IV, 15.) 

87. — Ob. Pyramus and Thisbe sitting under a mulberry tree, the 
former wreathed and playing on a guitar, the latter holding 
up a mulberry in her right hand. Legend : qvid svavis 
[blundered for suavius'] amore. Rev. Thisbe throwing 
herself on a sword by the corpse of Pyramus. Legend: 
wolf lavfer in NURNBEr^. Size 8. Jeton Banal of the 
same character as Nos. 83 to 86 by another maker, as 
indicated in the Rev. legend. For the Ob. legend cp. 
Plautus, Cistellaria, I, iii, 45 : qui est amor suavissimus. 
The Rev. type is perhaps copied from that of several 
Medalet-Jettons struck at Utrecht in 1574 with reference 
to the troubles suffered by the town that year: see Van 
Loon, I, 184-6. [PI. II, 7. 

88. — Ob. Romulus and Remus suckled by the wolf. Legend: 
remvs et romvlvs. In Ex. h.k. Rev. Faustulus 


bringing the twins to his wife Laurentia; his dog runs 
beside him. Legend: bemvs et beicvlvs[*ic]. In Ex. 
1601. h.k. in two lines. Size 8. Jeton Banal; one of 
Hans Krauwinckel's Nuremberg series of subjects from 
Roman History. The Ob. type appears on many Roman 
coins: see, e.g., Stevenson, pp. 232, 529, 914, etc. 
[PI. II, 9. 

89. — Ob. Romulus killing Remus. Legend : remvs et romvlvs. 
In Ex. 1601. Rev. Samuel crowning David. Legend: 
samvel et david. In Ex. h.k. Si*e 8. Another of H. 
Krauwinckel's jetons banaux, but a mule, the Ob. being 
Classical, the Rev. Biblical. [PI. II, 10. 

90. — Ob. Marcus Curtius, on horseback, leaping into a fiery 
chasm. Legend : mabcvs cvbttvs. In Ex. 1601. Rev. 
The Consul Popillius Laenas, on the left, as ambassador to 
Antiochus, on the right ; both figures standing, the latter 
with the circle drawn round him by the rod of Popillius. 
Legend: popilivs roman[vs] legat[vs] viega eeg[em] 
anto[ochvm] circ[vmsceibit]. In Ex. h.k. Size 8. 
Jeton Banal of the same series as No. 88. For the Ob. 
type, cp. Montfaucon, II, PL 32, xviii. The Rev. legend 
is based on Livy, XLV, 12, Popillius virga circumscripsit 
regem. (Snel., PI. IV, 21.) [PI. II, 11. 

91. — Ob. Minerva, standing, helmeted, with spear and aegis. 
Legend : qvos vvlt ionebva beat. Rev. Two soldiers, 
standing, the one on the left holding up a sprig of laurel, 
the other addressing him; laurels growing in the ground 
by them. Legend : coxcedat lavbea ldtgvae. In Ex. 
h.k. Jeton Banal by Hans Erauwinckel of Nuremberg: 
classical type. The Rev. legend is from Cic, Be Officiis, I, 
xxii, 77. It appears also in this period on the Rev. of a 
medal of Pierre Vettori, of Florence, dated 1580, where 
Minerva and Neptune are discussing what name to give to 
Athens. (Durand, Midailles et Jetons des Numismates 9 
1865, p. 211.) 

92. — Ob. Corn springing from the bones of men slain in war. 
Legend : spes altera vitae. In Ex. O.K. Rev. Similar 
to that of No. 91, but here the warrior on the right has 


the laurel in his hand, while he on the left is the speaker ; 
on the ground between them is body-armour and a sword 
laid aside. Size 7£. This allegorical piece is by Chilianus 
Koch of Nuremberg, c. 1570-90. 

93. — Ob. A pseudo-classical warrior, standing to right, with a 
tilting ( !) spear in his hand. Legend : nec ioni nec febbo 
cedo. Rev. A unicorn, presumably stirring water with 
his horn. Legend: nihil inexplobato. Size 8. Jeton 
Banal made at Nuremberg: late 16th century. The 
unicorn type is perhaps taken from the 13th Emblem of 
Camerarius, 1595; cp. Reusner's Emblems, 1581, No. 4. 
It refers, of course, to the belief that wild beasts would not 
drink from pools till the unicorn had stirred them with his 
horn, the antidote to every poison, and so driven away all 
venomous reptiles. (See, e.g., Guillim, Display of 
Heraldry, 1724, p. 163; and the Bestiaries, passim.) The 
faces of this coin respectively inculcate courage and 
caution. [PI. II, 12. 

94. — Ob. A tortoise, on the ground, fitted with a mast and sail. 
Legend : pesttna lente. In Ex. wolf la veer bech : pe : 
Rev. Hercules carrying on his shoulders the Cretan bull. 
Legend: assidvitate et tolebantia. Size 8. Jeton 
Banal issued at Nuremberg by the maker named: late 
16th century. The type of the Ob. was the device of Cosmo 
dei Medici, 1st Grand Duke of Tuscany, d. 1574. For the 
motto Festina lente (tnrevSe ftpa&icK) cp. Suet., Aug., 25; 
and A. Gellius, XII. 

95. — Ob. A hand issuing from clouds, on the right, holds a 
sword in front of the Tables of the Law. Legend : lex 
beqit abma tuen[t]vb. (The last word is blundered.) 
Rev. Valour, represented as a bearded and helmeted 
warrior with spear and parazonium, standing on the left, 
facing Honour, personified as a female, standing on a 
dolphin, with a cornucopiae in her right, and a spear in 
her left hand. Legend : honos et vtetus. In Ex. h.k. 
Size 7 J. Another Jeton Banal by Hans Krauwinckel of 
Nuremberg. On the Ob. the gladius Domini is guarding 
the Law. The Rev., which offers an unusual presentment 


of the two divinities named, is based on that of a 1st Brass 
of Galba: see Stevenson, p. 465; Montfaucon, I, PI. 94, 
ix; Addison, Dialogues upon Ancient Medals, 1753, p. 36. 

96. — Ob. Haman on foot and Mardocheus mounted. Legend: 
haman maedoche 9 . In Ex. esther vi above crossed 
laurel branches, below which is h.k. Rev. A street of the 
city; Haman hanging on a high gallows. In Ex. das 
havs haman in two lines. Sice 8. One of a Biblical series 
of jetons banaux issued by H. Krauwinckel of Nuremberg. 
(Snel., PL IV, 1.) [PL II, 13. 

97. — Ob. The Scarlet Woman on the Beast; John and the angel 
to the right. Legend: meretrix ba[bylonis]. In Ex. 
apocalips[is] : cap : xvn. h.k. in three lines. Rev. 
Fictitious arms of Babylon {Three open crowns, each 
surmounted by an elephant) in a ' German ' shield 
ensigned with a large open crown. Legend : insigni[a] 
civit[atis] babil[onis]. Size 8. Another piece of the 
same series as the preceding. For the term ' German 
shield ' see Grazebrook, Dates of Shields, 1890, PL I, 
p. 10. [PL II, 14. 

98. — 06. Equestrian figure of the Emperor Charles V, to right, 
bareheaded (as Caesar: cp. Nos. 24, 27, 41), and with 
a commander's baton in his hand (cp. Nos. 24, 41). 
Legend : cabolvs v rom[anorvm] imp[erator] sem[per] 
a[vgvstvs]. In Ex. h.k. Rev. A shield of Austria- 
ancient (see No. 42) impaling Burgundy-ancient (wrongly 
shown: see No. 65), displayed on the breast of 
the double-headed eagle of the Empire with the 
heiligenscheine round each head ensigned with an arched 
crown; the whole between two columns, each sustaining 
an open crown. On scrolls just above the plinths are plvs 
and vltra. Legend: veni vidi devs vicit. Size 7$. 
Jet on Banal of a political or historical series issued by 
Hans Krauwinckel of Nuremberg. For the Columns of 
Hercules and the motto on the Rev. see No. 15. The 
model for this Rev. type is perhaps to be found in 
Charles Y's medal of 1548; see Van Mieris, III, 208; and 
cp. the Impresse of this Emperor in Le Sententiose 


Imprese of Symeoni, 1560, given in Green and Croston's 
Edn. of The Mirrovr of Mates tie, Holbein Society, 1870, 
PL 28. (SneL, PL IV, 22.) 
99.— Ob. The Emperor (Rodolph II, 1576-1612) as King of 
Germany, enthroned under a canopy, between Justice and 
Peace with their attributes. In Ex. rex ger[maniae]. 
Rev. A ' German ' shield bearing a single-headed eagle 
displayed, with the h&iligenscheine round its head, sur- 
mounted by a crowned helm with mound and cross as crest 
and with scroll-mantling. Legend : insigni[a] rom[ana] 
regis germi [blundered for Germ<iniae\. Size 7$. 
Contemporary Jeton Banal similar in character to No. 98, 
and of Nuremberg make. The eagle on the Rev. should 
have been double-headed, as after the adoption of the latter 
by Sigismund (1411-37), the single-headed eagle was the 
distinctive bearing of the King of the Romans until he 
became Emperor. 

100. — Ob. The King of Bohemia (The Emperor Rudolph II again) 
standing in robes of state with sceptre and orb, under a 
canopy, and flanked by cornuacopiae and laurels. Legend : 
rex bohe[miae]. Rev. A ' German ' shield of the arms of 
Bohemia (gules, a lion rampant double queued argent) 
with crowned helm, double-wing crest, and scroll mantling. 
Legend: insignia regis boemi[ae]. Size 8. Contem- 
porary Jeton Banal of the same class as No. 99, and by a 
Nuremberg maker. For this same crest two centuries 
earlier see V Armorial du Heraut Grueldre, No. 323. 

101. — Ob. Equestrian figure of the Sultan of Turkey, to left, in 
turban and long robe. Legend : turckichs [blundered 
for Turckisch] reiser. In Ex. h.k. Rev. A quartered 
shield of arms, ensigned with an open crown: 1 and 4, 
2 pales, on a chief as many open crowns ; 2 and 3, an open 
crown. Legend : insignis [blundered for Insignia'] 
civit[atis] constant[inopolis] . Jeton Banal, by Hans 
Krauwinckel of Nuremberg, of a similar character to Nos. 
98-100. (SneL, PL IV, 23.) 

102. — Ob. Three crowns and three lys arranged alternately round 
a rose (?) Legend : hanns kravwinckel in nvrenb[erg]. 


Rev. The Reichs-apfel (mound, or orb) within a double 
treasure of three curves and three angles set alternately. 
Legend: getrivw handt kombt dttrch all. Size 6£. 
Jeton Banal of the latter part of the 16th century, still 
commonly found in England, by the maker named. The 
same type of piece was issued by some of the other die- 
sinkers in Nuremberg (e.g. Nos. 104-5), first apparently by 
George Schultes, one of whose in my collection is dated 
1553 (Font., p. 48.). The Rev. type is copied from the 
Rhenish gold gulden. It has been suggested that the 
origin of this form of tressure is to be found either in a 
succession of three Omegas or in a combination of three 
open Alphas and three Omegas. (Snel., PL III, 25 
et. seq.) [PI. II, 15. 

103. — As No. 102 in type. The Ob. legend reads nvr. The Rev. 
legend is gottes gaben sol manlob. Size 5}. [An Ob. of 
this type by Cornelius Laufer is shown in PI. II, 16. 

104.— The type is as Nos. 102 and 103. The Ob. legend is wolf 
lavfer in nvrenberg rech p. The Rev. reads anfang 


106. — The type is as Nos. 102-4. The Ob. legend is wvlf layer in 
nyrnberg. The Rev. reads gotes segen ist alesc. Size 5. 

106. — Ob. Bust of Mercury, to right, in toga and petasus. 
Legend : glik kumpt yon got istwa. Rev. As that of 
Nos. 102-5. Legend: hans schyltes zy nyrenb[erg]. 
Sice 5£. Jeton Banal, for general use, by the maker 
named; of the second half of the 16th century, but the 
type may have been perpetuated for some time after 1600. 
The reason for the presentment of Mercury on a coin for 
keeping business accounts is obvious. (Snel., PI. Ill, 30.) 

107. — 06. The doge of Venice and his wife, walking to the right, 
the latter holding a fan. Legend: dyx yenet[iae] et 
dvcis[sa]. Rev. Within a wreath of lys (?) the winged 
lion of St. Mark, sejant, holding an open Bible, in which 
is inscribed pax tibi marco. h.k. Size 8. Jeton Banal 
issued by Hans Erauwinckel of Nuremberg, c. 1600, for 
general use, but perhaps in the first instance for Venice, 
as its type suggests. King, in his Engraved Gems (1885, 


p. 96), considers that ' the Winged Lion of Venice was the 
device beyond all others the one for a merchant's signet/ 
and, in his opinion, this is the reason why it is found on 
these Nuremberg counters. Piton, I, 53, gives an illustra- 
tion of the 14th century seal of a Venetian bailli at Tripoli 
bearing this emblem. [PL II, 17. 

108. — Ob. A column, on the top of which is a statue representing 
the Inquisition. To the foot of the column the Belgic 
Lion is fastened, the collar round his neck bearing tEe 
inscription inqvi[sitio]. A mouse, the Prince of Orange, 
is gnawing his bonds to free him. Legend: rosis 
leon[e]m loris icvs liberat. Rev. The Pope and the 
King of Spain (Gregory XIII and Philip II), standing; 
in front of them rears the Belgic Lion. The King with 
one hand offers the Lion an olive branch, in token of 
peace, but holds in the other behind his back the collar 
of the Inquisition. Legend : liber revtnciri leo 
pernegat. Size 8. Jet on Banal made in Germany in 
imitation of a Medalet-Jetton issued in the Low Countries 
in 1580. (Dugniolle, No. 2800; Van Loon, I, 274; Bisot, 
Histoire MStalUque de Hollande, 1687, p. 42; Font., p. 
164.) Our illustration is taken from the original Dutch 
piece. [PL II, 18. 

109. — Ob. A landscape, with buildings indicating various 
occupations, and men working at a pump or well; in the 
foreground rises a tall pine-tree, at the foot of which two 
cornuacopiae shed their contents upon the ground. 
Legend: in mttltis ferthjs. Rev. A pair of empty 
scales equally poised by a right hand issuing from a cloud. 
Legend : pondere vtrtutis libranda negotia cttncta. 
Size 8. Flemish Medalet-Jetton commemorating the final 
cession of Cambray to France in 1678. The Ob. apparently 
is symbolic of prosperity; the Rev. of justice. (Dugniolle, 
No. 4403; Van Orden, No. 1368; cp. Addison, p. 196.) 
Bed metal is a characteristic of the counters of the Low 
Countries. [PI. II, 19. 

110. — Ob. Shield of arms, with helm, crest, and mantling, of Jean 
Heymans. Mute. Rev. The double-headed, eagle of the 


Empire, bearing on its breast a shield of Austria-ancient, 
and holding in one beak a chaplet, in the other an olive 
branch, in one claw a sword, in the other a crescent. 
Legend : vna ferit lvnam victbix ferit altera pacem. 
Sice 9. Medalet- Jetton, probably of the year 1687, 
referring to the war against the Turks, to which the 
additional symbols and the legend on the Rev. allude. 
According to Yan Loon the arms on the Ob. are those of 
Pierre Ferdinand Rose, councillor of Brussels. (Dugniolle, 
No. 4436, and cp. 4405, Notes 2, 3; Van Loon, III, 299, 
and Inleiding fyc, p. 179; Van Orden, Nederlandsche 
Historie-penningen, 1826-30, No. 1369.) 

111. — Ob. Shield of the arms of Saxony : ten quarter ings. Mute. 
Rev. The field is occupied by an inscription and date, in 
six lines: — omnia | conando | docilis so|lertia vin|cit: 
| 1582. Size 7. No. 8580 in Neumann's Beschreibung der 
bekannesten Kupfermiinzen, 1858-72. German Jetton. 
Neumann merely describes this piece and gives no informa- 
tion about it. The hexameter on the Rev., however, is 
from Manilius, Astronomica, I, 95. 

112. — Ob. A starving, dishevelled, and tattered man, eating with 
his left hand and holding bones in his right. Legend: 
ego magis mihi qvam ALUS noceo. Rev. A ' German ' 
shield of arms with Saxon quarterings: — (1) an escar- 
buncle; (2) a lion rampant sinister; (3) a single-headed 
eagle displayed; (4) 2 pales; over all an escutcheon 
of Saxony (Barry of ten, or and sable, a crancelin vert.) ; 
ensigned with a large open crown, of fanciful design to 
match the shield. The shield divides the letters G. a. s. h. 
and the date 1621. No legend. Size 7£. German Medalet- 
Jetton. Not in Neumann. The quarterings shown here 
were borne by several of the branches of the Ducal House 
of Saxony. If they represent the coat of Saxe-Lauenburg, 
Prince-bishop of Paderborn, an explanation of this jetton 
suggests itself, but is offered merely as a conjecture. 1621 
was the year of the ravages of the Protestant leader 
Christian of Brunswick in the diocese of Paderborn during 
the Thirty Tears' War, and the piece may be a Hungers- 
ndthe mSdaille referring to the famine thus caused. In 


that case the Ob. legend perhaps points to the sufferings 
of the invaders from the effects of their own devastation. 
On this class of piece see L. Pfeiffer, Pestilentia in 
Nummis, Tubingen, 1882. (On the other hand, the letters 
6. a. s. h., naturally suggest Gustavus Adolphus Sueviae 
Heros, but the date seems too early either for this or for a 
Protestant Saxon medalet.) 

113. — Ob. Shield of Arms of Pfeffer, with coroneted helm, crest, 
and scroll mantling. Legend : j. a. pfeffer com. m. m. 
z. z. 1766. Rev. Two men working in a mine, from the 
roof of which hangs a lamp; in the background is a 
landscape with buildings. Legend : indicant altissimvm 
profvnda. Size 7. Jetton of Johann Anton Pfeffer, coin- 
master of the Gild (Communion-Munzmeister) from 1763 
to 1773. The pepper-tree in the arms on the Ob. forms a 
canting coat on the name of the bearer : cp. Spener, 
Insignium Theoria, 1690, PI. 16. The mine on the Rev. 
is, of course, an appropriate symbol. (Neumann, 31765.) 

114. — Ob. Bust of Augustus, to left, with radiated crown. 
Legend : c[ah] caesar[is] divi [filivs] avgvstvs impe 
[rator]. Rev. On a round-based shield, between laurel 
branches and ensigned with an open crown, a bend sinister 
charged with the letters s p q R. Legend : insignia 
civitatis rom[anae]. Si*e 8. Jeton Banal, probably of 
German make, and one of a series of such pieces apparently 
issued late in the 17th century. Most of them are distorted 
imitations of ancient Roman money; this example, 
however, combines an Ob. of that character with a Rev. 
apparently suggested by the silver Grosso of the mediaeval 
Roman republic : 11th to 13th century. 

115. — Ob. Bust of Domitian, to right, laureated. Legend : imp 
[erator] caes[ar] doiot[ianvs] avg[vstvs] ger 
[manicvs] co[n]s[vl] xn ce[nsor] per[petws] p[ater] 
p[atriae]. Below the bust 12. Rev. A lighted altar 
(ara salutis Augusti). Legend : salvti avgvsti. In Ex. 
s.c. Size 8. A jetton of the same series as No. 114, but 
of better execution and in character a more faithful 
imitation. (Cp. Stevenson, p. 73.) 

llg. — 06. Bust of Anna, Empress of Russia, to right, crowned. 


Legend: anna d. g. rvssor[vm] imperat[rix]. Rev. 
The Empress enthroned, with the shield of Russia by her 
side; she is crowned by Victory, and vanquished enemies 
make obeisance and offerings to her. Legend: donat 
victoria tanta. In Ex. 1. 1. d. re. PP. Size 7. Contem- 
porary Jeton Banal made at Nuremberg by Johann Jacob 
Dietzel. The Rev. commemorates the Russian victories 
of 1739. 

117. — 06. Bust of Charles II of England, to right, with long hair, 
laureated and wearing the toga. Legend : carolvs u d.g. 
mag. br. pra. et hib. rex. Rev. The shield of Great 
Britain ensigned with an arched crown; the marshalling 
being (1) England, (2) Scotland, (3) France, (4) Ireland, 
an irregularity due no doubt to avoid crowding. The 
arrangement should have been 1 and 4 grand quarters, 
France-modern and England quarterly; 2 Scotland; 3 
Ireland. Legend : counters conr[ad] laupers rech[en] 
ppening. Size 8. Contemporary Jeton Banal issued at 
Nuremberg by the maker named. The portrait of the King 
apparently was copied from that on his milled silver coins, 
first issued in 1662. (Cp. M.I.B.H., I, p. 494, No. 121.) 
[PI. II, 20. 

118. — Ob. Bust of William III of England, to right, in laureated 
periwig and toga. Legend : wilh[elmvs] m d.g. ang. 
sco. pr. et hi. rex. Below the bust l. g. l. rechen 
pp[enjng]. Rev. Bust of Mary II, to right. Legend: 

MARIA D.G. ANG. SC. PR. ET HI. RE GIN A. Size 8. Jeton 

Banal made at Nuremberg by Lazarus Gottlieb Lauffer in 

1689. (Cp. M.I.B.H., I, p. 692, No. 86.) 
119. — Ob. and Rev. types and legends as those of No. 118, except 

that the Rev. legend has so., blundered for sc, and et 

is shortened to e. The maker's name, etc., is on the Rev., 

and reads l.g.l. r[echen ppening]. Size 5\. In character 

and date as the preceding piece. 
120. — Ob. Bust of George I. of England, to right, in armour and 

laureated periwig. Legend : georgivs m. br. fr. et hib. 

rex. Below the bust l. Rev. Equestrian figure of St. 

George, to left, slaying the Dragon. Legend: fidei 


defensor et aeqvi. Size 6$. Gilt. Medalet-Jetton made 
at Nuremberg by Johann Gottlieb Lauffer in imitation of 
one of the Coronation Medals of George I (31 Oct., 1714). 
The explanation of the Rev. type and legend is that the 
King, as St. George of England, slays the Dragon of 
Popery and uncontrolled Prerogative, i.e. the Jacobite 
party. (M.I.B.H., II, p. 426, No. 13.) 

This piece is by no means to be regarded, owing to its 
date and character, as necessarily being merely a counter 
for play; for though it might be difficult to prove that any 
general use of the Jetton in keeping accounts lingered on 
in this country so late as 1714, except in the special 
instance referred to below, there seems no doubt that on 
the Continent its more serious and original purpose, though 
dying out, survived, at least in France and Germany, 
throughout the 18th century, and our little medalet- 
counter, No. 120, may well have been one of a set popular 
in George I's German dominions; for a generation later 
the Rechen-pfenning and Rechen-brett had not yet fallen 
into desuetude in Germany. From Bettina von Arnim's 
Goethe's Briefwechsel mit einem Kinde (Berlin, 1837, 
Pt. 2, p. 250), we learn that a zahLbrett with its zahl- 
pfenningen existed in Goethe's paternal home in the fifties 
of the 18th century. For Goethe, as a child of seven, " no 
toy held so much fascination as his father's reckoning- 
board, on which he copied with the counters the position 
of the stars ; and he would place the board by his bed, and 
so believe himself to be brought more immediately under 
the influence of his favourable stars." 

The English Exchequer Table and its late survival, 
apparently on ceremonial occasions, has been discussed by 
Mr. Hubert Hall in his Antiquities of the Exchequer 
and elsewhere; as to which it may be added here that 
Snelling, in his Preface, speaks of the process as being 
still in annual use at the Exchequer at the time of 
his writing (1769), and that Daines Barrington, in 
Archaeologia, IX, 28 (10 May, 1787) states that it had 
then been discarded there about two years. 


Even this little list testifies to the extraordinary variety of 
interest and wealth of allusion possessed by the Jetton ; and I may 
perhaps be forgiven for having abandoned the task which I once 
set myself of describing on a similar scale the 7,000 specimens 
already in my cabinets. The Jetton may be considered both in its 
medallic and in its arithmetical aspect: the former has received 
the more attention from modern scholars. In France, especially, 
it has been much studied from the numismatic point of view. 
References to the counter in each of its senses, of counting-board 
and counting piece, are numerous in literature, as well as in wills, 
inventories, and other records, from the 13th to the 18th century 
inclusive ; and such allusions would doubtless be more common still, 
were it not that, to paraphrase the words of Vegetius,* men leave 
unmentioned what in their day is universally known and of too 
ordinary a character to call for notice. There exist, moreover, a 
number of works dealing with the processes of ocular arithmetic, 
from those of Huswirt, Beisch, Siliceus, Cusanus, and Kobel, in 
the later years of the 15th and early years of the 16th centuries, 
down to the last edition of Legendre in 1753, itself t a proof of the 
continuance of the method, and which shows how the lined and 
spaced board, or cloth, could be dispensed with and the Jetton used 
alone by means of what was called the Tree of Numeration, a variety 
of procedure explained by Trenchant nearly two centuries before, 
and known in the 15th century, as is seen from the Liure des Getz. 
I hope presently to give some account of the Comptpir;'loT .Counting- 

»• . T« • «• • • 

board, and of the Reckoning-cloth, on which t^;^t0n)jpras used, 

and of both of which a few examples remaih. ; iA : 'wiitinental 

* » .•-•..-. *\'t ••, , 

Museums. » V.v;' r ^ - * 

' • *,.... ., ..V'-'. 1 


• I, viii. 

f Apart from the itatement of the author : p. 497. 



SYRIA, 191 1 

With Plates III, IV, V. 


In the first volume of this Journal, 1908, p. 97 et seqq., we 
gave a preliminary report of the results of the experimental excava- 
tions made by us in that year in the mounds of Sakje-Geuzi, Turkey 
in Asia. The importance of the results then obtained led to the 
formation of a standing Hittite Excavation Committee, with 
Mr. Robert Mond, M.A., as hon. treasurer, which includes, amongst 
its members, also: — Ralph Brocklebank, Esq., J. P., the Right 
Hon. Sir John Brunner, Bart., Freiherr von Bissing (Munich), 
Rev. W. Macgregor, M.A., Claude G. Montefiore, Esq., C. Sydney 
Jones, Esq., Sir Edwin Pears (Constantinople), Major E. Rhodes, 
D.S.O., Rev. Professor Sayce, D.Litt., Dr. Waldemar Schmidt 
(Copenhagen), James Smith, Esq., Henry S. Wellcome, Esq. 

The Committee determined that it was desirable to continue, and 
so far as possible complete, the excavations. Accordingly, last 
year a new Expedition was equipped, the expenses of which were 
largely borne by the members of the Committee. Two student 
members of the party, Mr. Hamilton Beattie and Mr. W. J. 
Phythian Adams, also made a generous contribution towards the 
funds. As on previous occasions the expedition had the 
advantage of the voluntary and able services of Dr. Arthur Wilkin, 
to whom the members of the staff are personally much indebted. 
The photography and artistic work was again in the skilled hands of 
Herr Schliephack in his capacity as chief assistant. Mr. R. 
Horsfall, who had gained previous experience of excavation at 
Meroe, completed the party. 

Our special gratitude is due to Mr. Robert Mond, both for his 
generous contributions towards the funds required, which proved 
for local reasons to exceed considerably the original estimates, and 

for his valuable adrioe and assistance in the p to g ic ss of the work 
and in the details of equipment. At his suggestion, we employed 
an aerial railway, which has proved a great saving of labour. 
The machine was designed and made for as at cost price by 
B. White and Sons, of Widnes. 

In Constantinople, Sir Edwin Pears gave as his never-failing 
help in the negotiations with the Ottoman Government. In this 
connection the Secretary for Foreign Affairs lent his s up por t , so 
far as diplomatically possible, and thanks to his good offices, His 
Britannic Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople, and Consols 
at Adana, Alerandretta and Aleppo, gave unflagging attention to 
our requirements. This official interest was particularly helpful 
during the time of tension on all hands that followed the outbreak 
of the Turco-Italian War. We cannot express too highly our 
appreciation of the consideration extended to us by H.E. Halil Bey, 
Director of the Imperial Ottoman Museum, and by the Governors 
of the provinces of Adana and of Aleppo. 

The conditions of work were much the same as on the previous 
occasion. To avoid the intense heat of August, we made our plans 
to arrive at the beginning of September, and enjoyed the delightful 
weather of the Syrian autumn, until towards the close of our stay 
at the end of November. We were also able to secure, at this 
season, an adequate number of labourers, partly from the locality, 
chiefly Kurds and Armenians, partly Circassians from villages 
in the plain, and some Armenians from Maraah. We owe an 
irredeemable debt to ihe Rev. Dr. E. Merrill, of Aintab, and the 
Rev, Dr. F. Goodsell, of Marash, who gave us their unfailing help, 
sympathy, and service throughout. 

Summary of previous results 

For description of the site and physical geography of the district, 
see Vol. I, pages 98-100. The mounds, as may be seen from 
the plan there reproduced (Plate 33, Yol. I), are arranged roughly 
in a circle around that which is marked A. The largest of all, 
lettered B, is called Songrus Eyuk, a name possibly derived from 
its conspicuous size. It was in this that our work was begun on 
the present occasion, having on the last visit tested its character 
by trial trenches, and disclosed signs of ancient building. In 


mound C, Kefridiz Eyuk, we had also found a well-built wall of 
Hittite character, presumably the main defence of the Acropolis. 
But it was in mound A, Jobba Eyuk, that our work, on that 
occasion, was chiefly concentrated. In this one, we had picked up 
here and there the general line of an outer defensive wall, and in 
particular had laid bare, towards the north-eastern corner of the 
enclosure, a palace portico, ornamented with an exceptionally fine 
series of Hittite sculptures, which included splendid examples of 
the familiar Lion Corner Stones, followed by processions of 
mythological creatures, as well as the figures of the King-Priest and 
his attendants. Facsimile reproductions of these from paper- 
moulds, the work of Mr. Schliephack, are now being set up in the 
new Hittite gallery of the Liverpool Public Museums. 

This small mound was readily accessible, for since Hittite times 
only the central portion seems to have been continuously occupied, 
and it was only here and there in the remainder of the area that the 
excavation was hampered by later uninstructive buildings. Outside 
the main north-eastern wall, we had cut a trench straight through 
the slope, into the heart of the mound, and penetrated down to its 
origins in neolithic times. From this trench a welcome series of 
distinctive pottery fragments had been duly registered, and 
instructive data had been obtained by comparison with fragments 
found inside the area, and particularly with those found in and 
below the palace portico, which could be approximately dated to 
the eighth or ninth century B.C. In every way, it seemed to be 
important to continue this investigation. 

Songrus Eyuk 

This great mound, rising 160 feet above the plain, proved to be 
almost entirely artificial. In form, it is roughly oval at the base, 
being some 600 or 700 feet in length, and 600 feet in width. It has 
grown up near a small stream which flows around its eastern and 
northern sides, and there is a good spring of drinking water within 
100 yards in that direction. Its sides, for the most part, are 
extremely steep, representing much more than a natural slope, 
suggesting at once to the eye that it was held up artificially by walls 
and revetments of successive periods, which indeed proved to be the 
case. At the southern end the slope is much less pronounced, and 


this end is naturally most used for climbing to the top at the present 
time. It proved to have been so used from the beginning, for the 
ruins of the gateways of various periods were found in excavation 
at that point. On the top, there was a more or less level surface, 
in dimensions, roughly, 400 to 500 feet, highest towards the west, 
generally oval in form but ending somewhat sharply at the north 
end. There does not seem to have been anything like a complete or 
permanent occupation of the mound since the Seleucid period, of 
which we unearthed a splendid ashlar wall leading on to a gateway 
and tower. In the highest part of the mound, about the middle 
of the western side, there came to light an almost complete building 
of about the same period, in the first or second century, B.C. Its 
walls stood: underground almost perfect; they were built of mud 
brick upon foundations of stone. The corners and door-jambs and 
the topmost course of the walls were also of stone. This is an 
interesting local style of building still in vogue in the locality, and 
it was probably employed in much earlier times. Hittite traces 
were oome upon at about 20 feet in depth,* and the foundations of 
houses at 28 feet. It was, of course, impossible to clear the whole 
of the mound down to this depth, so we had to be content with a 
series of broad exploration trenches, following up so far as possible 
such walls as were found. 

In this way we were able to cut down the western edge of the 
mound to a depth of about 40 feet. Hittite evidences were still 
being found at this level, and we have no reason to doubt but that 
they continued to lower levels; indeed our further exploration of the 
slope of the mound showed that the lowest interior buildings that 
we reached were hardly as old as the XYIIIth Dynasty (1500 B.C.), 
whereas a much older system of defences may be inferred. Around 
the mound, we traced three main periods of Hittite defensive walls ; 
the uppermost just before the Egyptian XXYIth Dynasty and 
therefore of the latest Hittite period; another at a much lower 
level, two stout walls together, seemingly related to one another 
and dated by a distinctive Egyptian object between them to the 
XYIIIth Dynasty. The lowest and oldest wall, though single, was 
of similar character, but we failed to find any independent evidences 
as to its actual date, and were perplexed by intrusive objects and 
by ruins that had slipped down the steep slope to this point. 

• Below our highest point; actually some 13 feet below the surface. 


Other walls were indicated between those of the latest and 
second period, bnt the superposition of the remains made it 
impossible to trace them. In general, the construction of these 
defences corresponds with what was observed at Sinjerli, namely, 
a stout wall built upon heavy stone foundations, carried up with 
brick courses, with the slope of the mound below supported by 
heavy revetments. The lower courses, as a rule, had been built 
with burnt brick, and in one section the whole space between the 
two walls of the 15th century B.C. seemed to have been packed with 
the same burnt material. In the latest wall, however, and in the 
house-walls, no burnt brick could be traced ; but in other respects 
the principle of construction was much the same. The variations 
in sizes of bricks were duly noted. 

The entrance, at all times, seems to have been from the south. 
The gateways were located, and three distinct periods can be 
recognised; but it is not certain whether it will be possible to 
completely disentangle their plans, upon which we are still at work, 
for it would appear that owing to the continuity of occupation, the 
standing walls of a previous age were sometimes made to serve as 
part of the gate towers of that which succeeded. In general, 
however, their character may be recognised, and it accords entirely 
with what is known of Hittite gateways elsewhere, as at Sinjerlif 
namely, a flanking tower on either hand of a narrow entrance, 
projecting only slightly beyond the alignment of the wall itself. 
It is also noticeable that the main wall as it approached the gates, 
and the towers themselves, were all constructed of stone. 

At the further end of the mound, there seems to have been, in 
later Hittite times at any rate, a postern leading down to the stream 
and spring. For the period, it lay extremely deep, and was 
difficult of excavation, being superposed with structures of several 
later periods, a fact which also complicates the plan of that portion 
of the mound. Several cylinder seals of Hittite character were 
found in this mound, and an object of much interest is a terra cotta 
head wearing the ' Phrygian hat/ possibly from a later Mithraic 
group; it came from the northern postern. A deposit of Syro- 
Hittite vases was found just between the main walls of the XVIIIth 
Dynasty period. In the excavation of the interior, instructive and 
important evidence was obtained from painted fragments of pottery 
found at various depths in the Hittite and post-Hittite strata. The 


importance of these is largely increased by comparison with the 
results obtained in the excavation oi the palace site in the smaller 

Jobba Eyuk 

In Yol. I, pages 101 to 105, we have already described the 
general appearance of this mound, and the character of the main 
buildings found within it. The arrangement of the sculptures and 
character of their art are described on pages 107-110, with plan and 
photographs. We do not need, therefore, to delay further with 
these details. 

On this occasion, we decided to complete the examination of 
the mound, which is comparatively small in area, and rises only, 
at its highest point, some 10 or 11 metres above the ground. The 
main wall was followed all round, enclosing a quadrangular area, 
130 metres by 100. Its form was quite regular with the exception 
of the north-western corner, where, following probably an earlier 
contour, the western wall inclined slightly inwards. The main 
wall was three metres in thickness, and it was strengthened at 
frequent intervals by external buttresses of quandrangular form, 
with a projection of nearly a metre. The interval between the 
buttresses was least where the slope of the mound was greatest, as 
may be seen from the completed plan which we reproduce on 
Plate III. It will be noticed that the buttresses around the 
corners give almost the appearance of extra-mural towers. 

There was only one main gateway, in the middle of the shorter 
side : this was well preserved at one side but very ruinous at the 
other. Sufficient traces remained, however, to enable us to recover 
the plan. The flanking towers ■ may be seen to have projected 
externally but not internally. On the inner side, there remained in 
position a great stone socket for supporting the wooden post upon 
which one of the gates would swing. The facade of this entrance 
had clearly been decorated with sculptures; and we found the 
original place of that fine group of a Royal Lion Hunt, with the 
king shooting from his chariot, now in the museum at Berlin. We 
also recovered the fragments of another group, which seems to have 
been almost a replica of that one, as well as other sculptures, 
chiefly of lions, which probably continued the scheme of decoration. 
At this point the surface of the ground had become worn low, so that 


many fragments of sculpture lay only just beneath the surface; 
indeed, only a metre of earth covered the Hittite gateway. 

Passing into tEe interior, the level rises, so that over the central 
portion and the site of the palace, 2*50 metres of earth had to be 
removed before the foundations could be displayed. The work was 
completed, nevertheless, before we left; and the plan shows all the 
foundations that could be traced. The area covered by the actual 
palace is 22 metres square, and its main walls may be seen to be of 
remarkable thickness, about 2*50 metres. Passing through a 
sculptured portico, the plan of which we reproduced in Vol I, 
PI. XXXIX, we reach the outer hall which opens out left and right 
in the style still perpetuated in many official buildings of the 
country. To the right hand, a stairway of sculptured slabs led up 
to the floor of a room at a higher level. The decoration of the slabs 
included the rosette and other conventional patterns. On the side 
of the hall opposite the entrance are two doorways, both leading to 
two chambers beyond, which, in their turn, give way to rooms 
abutting against the main outer wall. The sides of this central 
doorway seem to have been freely decorated with the same style of 
sculptured slabs. It may be presumed that the great chamber 
beyond was one of the state apartments. The positions of the 
doorways are indicated by a socket stone in each case, which 
reproduces, on a smaller scale, the principle of that discovered in 
the outer gateway. 

The doorway leading out from the left of the entrance hall gave 
access to a courtyard paved with cobbles. From this, a well-built 
stairway of stone steps led up to the main wall, around which there 
was presumably a walk behind the ramparts. At the foot of this 
stairway, a stone drain led through the thickness of the main wall, 
with an outlet projecting through the further side. Similar drains 
have been traced in other places around the walls. The interior, as 
originally laid out, fell away from the entrance of the palace, which 
was about its highest point, towards the walls, thus ensuring a 
proper drainage. 

Following out the plan, it is seen that down the west side a 
double row of chambers is almost continuous, and there is a 
suggestion that this was the scheme of the whole interior. 
Unfortunately, towards the eastern side the interference of 
concreted walls and foundations of Roman period made it 


practically impossible to recover more than a suggestion of the 
original arrangement of the buildings on that side. In the centre 
also, as described in our preliminary report, the buildings of three 
successive periods are superposed so that it was a matter of 
considerable difficulty to reach the Hittite level at that spot. We 
ascertained, however, with certainty, that the cobbled pavement 
which leads from the portico continued through the centre of the 
enclosure and led on directly towards the main gateway. It is 
thus to be inferred that the central portion of the area was open 
and free from buildings, while, in general plan, the palace buildings 
and offices were ranged in a double or maybe treble row around the 
inside of the main walls. The general scheme, therefore, recalls 
that of the great contemporary palace at the foot of the Acropolis 
at Boghaz-Keui in Asia Minor. The cobbled pavement to which 
we have alluded as leading from the palace portico outwards 
towards the main gate, was found to end in a pavement of 
sculptured slabs, like those found inside the palace; but it is not 
clear that this is an original feature, though it may have been a 
reconstruction of Hittite times. 

With regard to construction, both the main walls and, for the 
most part, the palace walls, had a foundation of stone but were 
carried up in brick, the lower courses of which, at any rate, were 
burnt. The main wall was faced with irregular five-sided blocks, 
roughly dressed, corresponding in some degree with the great 
Hittite walls of the capital. The inner face was much the same, 
with a solid rubble and stone packing between. These foundations 
seem to have been brought originally to a common height, so that 
where the ground was highest there was perhaps only one metre 
of stonework, whereas on the north-eastern side, where the slope is 
sharp, there still remain three metres of solid masonry. Above 
this, the first courses of brick were usually large slabs, upon which 
the brick wall was carried up and still remains in some places 
eleven or twelve courses high. We took the utmost pains to trace 
these walls amidst the accumulated debris, and were helped as the 
season drew on by occasional rain, which served a most useful 
purpose in lining out the brickwork. 

The principle of construction in the interior walls of the palace 
was practically the same, but the stonework was less massive; in 
fact, the facing stones of the foundation were comparatively small. 


The thickness of the wall above the foundations would seem to 
have been at least half a metre less than the foundations themselves. 
The large brick slabs upon the stone bed are only found in the case 
of the main side wall of the palace ; while in one case, which we 
indicate in the plan, the foundations themselves were of brick. In 
a few cases, a considerable height of fallen wall could be traced in 
the cuttings, where the face of the wall, though fallen from its 
position, remained true, and was further marked by a solid coating 
of stucco. This showed as a straight white line in the earth, and 
served, not infrequently, as a useful indication. Another 
instructive detail was the discovery of some of the rain trough- 
stones from the roof, which had settled down, with the gradual 
subsidence of the walls, to a height of about two metres above the 
foundations. This enabled us to estimate that the original building 
was one-storied and about 4*50 or 5 metres in height; assuming 
always that there has been no serious disturbance or denudation of 
the ground above the site of the palace. 

As on the previous occasion, some instructive small objects were 
recovered, and their testimony is doubly valuable in this case, 
where approximate dates have already been determined. These 
included seals, stamps of various kinds, sealings with Hittite 
hieroglyphs, a stone with signs upon it, and a variety of painted 
vase fragments, as well as a quantity of ordinary implements. 

On the outer side of the north-east wall, at the spot marked with 
an asterisk, alongside the section described as trench A (Vol I, 
page 110), Mr. Hamilton-Beattie and Mr. Phythian- Adams 
undertook the supervision of a new trench in which we decided 
upon a more minute system of registration, to secure from the 
valuable mass of pottery fragments at that point as complete a 
record of the stratification as possible. They examined every cubic 
half-metre of ground from the outer end of the slope inward to the 
main wall and down to the virgin earth. Several thousands of vase 
fragments were discovered and recorded, and they are still at work 
analysing and studying the results. On the whole, not so much 
painted ware was found in this new trench, but on the other hand, 
a greater number of vases could be completely restored. At the 
bottom of the cutting, within a metre of the place where on the 
previous occasion we found extensive neolithic hearths and floors, 
we now found foundations of a house and burial cists, unquestion- 
ably of neolithic period. 


With regard to the main historical points, the palace and main 
wall are without much doubt contemporary with one another, and 
belong to about the 9th century, B.C. Below the palace, we have 
been able to get down to older walls, but it is impossible to say that 
they belong to anything other than ordinary dwellings of an earlier 
period. We do not even know that they represent a Hittite 
occupation ; but this is a reasonable inference from our study of the 
pottery of the site, which presents an unbroken continuity from 
post-neolithic times down to the palace period. 

We are able, during the brief time which has been available 
since our return, to so far co-relate the results of our excavations in 
these two mounds, as to feel sure that we have the evidence before 
us which will enable us to identify in the accumulation of pottery 
outside the main wall that stratum, or series of strata, which 
corresponds to Egyptian XVIII Dynasty, about 1500 B.C. There is 
no suggestion, in our exhaustive examination of this mound and 
thorough testing of the greater one, of anything other than a 
continuous Hittite occupation from post-neolithic times until (and 
including) the period of the palace, which arose during the revival 
of the Hittite states of Syria in the early part of the first 
millenium B.C. We hope at an early date to publish a complete 
report of this excavation with a full series of plans and photographic 
illustrations corroborating these conclusions. 

One further point may be touched upon. On p. 113, Vol. I, 
the Editor of the Annals suggested an alternative interpretation 
to the conclusion we came to as to the lime revetment we noticed 
supporting the main wall on the north-eastern side. He suggested 
that it was the result of an accumulation of limestone clappings, 
formed by trimming or dressing the outer face of the wall after the 
stones were in place. We have, however, tested this point, and 
found our original observation substantiated. The revetment is 
not only a definite feature of the construction, but it has been 
regularly designed, and in some cases great slabs of hard lime or 
concrete have been laid in regular herringbone fashion within it. 
There is, however, a preponderance of free lime. The fact that the 
stones which form the face of the wall are of volcanic rock in any 
case dismisses the alternative explanation; but, following up the 
suggestion, a careful examination revealed a narrow stratum of 
wall-chippings just below the lime revetment. 



By Peofbssor JOHN GARSTANG, D.Sc. 


The second interim report, on the results of our second 
expedition to Meroe in the Sudan, appeared in the Annals of 
Archaeology, Vol. IV, pp. 45 to 71, with plates vi to xvi. 

It will be recalled that, amongst other pieces of work, we traced 
the outline of a Royal City and excavated within it two palaces, 
as well as several other smaller buildings. It was clearly desirable 
to concentrate our work for a few seasons upon this central area, so 
that, with the exception of a few outstanding pieces of investigation, 
nearly all our excavation during the past season was carried on 
within the boundaries of these city walls. (See Vol. IV, PI. ix.) 

It is gratifying to note that the Committee, who generously 
provide the funds necessary for this work, were constituted as for 
the previous expedition, and were further strengthened by the 
inclusion of Sir Edmund Walker, of Toronto, and Dr. Jacobsen, of 
Copenhagen. A contribution of £1,000 from the National Arts 
Collection Fund, on behalf of the British Museum, helped 
materially towards realising a sufficient sum of money to resume 
the excavations upon an adequate scale. The Government of the 
Sudan, represented in particular by the Director of Railways and 
the Conservator of Antiquities, gave us from first to last their 
never-failing encouragement and assistance. In camp we were 
rather short-handed, the party consisting only of Mr. Schliephack, 
Mrs. Garstang, and myself. We had not, on this occasion, the 
advantage of Professor Sayce's swift insight and stimulating 
companionship; and other friends and helpers who had come on 
the previous occasion were prevented by various circumstances from 
joining us. We had, however, our old staff of skilled workmen 
from Egypt, and their increasing experience proved an invaluable 
asset. We also employed advantageously and with economical 
results a cable-way designed and made for us at cost-price by 
R. White & Sons, of Widnes, and several lengths of light railway 
lent by the Government. 


The Royal City 

It will be seen by comparison of the old plan with the new (see 
the accompanying plate No. VI), that during the season considerable 
progress has been made towards recovering the former arrangement 
of the site. Many of the buildings shown in it, however, are of 
later period than others, and we have still to develop a plan of the 
city as it was originally laid out. We have, however, now obtained 
evidence sufficient to show us the manner in which it grew, and to 
enable us to discriminate between the buildings of three definite 
periods. Accordingly, our first efforts were directed to a systematic 
excavation of surface buildings occupying the higher pieces of 
ground within the area, with a view to removing these and 
examining the earlier structures below them. Two such mounds 
were conspicuous; the one in the north-eastern corner of the 
enclosure, the other reaching eastward from the building numbered 
292, under the threshold of which, last season, the bronze head 
of Augustus was discovered. A third mound, less conspicuous as 
to its height, lying westward from the palace No. 295, seemed, 
from the surface indications before excavation, to contain a 
building of special character. 

The plan of the north-eastern corner is, at its present stage, 
somewhat complex. The main wall has been traced almost 
continuously, except at one place where one of the latest buildings 
passes beyond and over it. It is just possible that at this point 
there was a gateway, but the question will be rapidly solved with 
the progress of our excavation. There is, at any rate, an external 
tower which, combined with a break in the wall, leaves room for 
this possibility. In the northern wall, towards this corner, there 
are two special features ; the one a flight of steps which originally 
must have led up to the ramparts, and the other a postern which is 
well defined and protected on the inside with a guard chamber. In 
the exact corner the ashlar wall is seen to be double, and externally 
the corner is strengthened by a quadrangular turret. With regard 
to other buildings, without entering into details in this brief report, 
those walls which are of good strength, and clearly arranged in due 
reference to the enclosing walls, (Block 297), alone may be looked 
on as original ; while those along the eastern side which are placed 
at various angles to the main axis (Block 197), are clearly super- 


posed upon an original plan. Hereabouts, just outside the main 
wall (in the spot marked 289), there was found a remarkable deposit 
of broken Meroitic pottery vases, decorated with paintings and 
stamped patterns. 

Roman Bath 

The surface of the mound numbered 98 has not been so 
completely cleared, but the plan presents a more or less connected 
appearance. There is, however, the same difficult problem of 
relative date to be disentangled, for the walls have all much the 
same appearance, though some of them represent a reconstruction of 
the main building apparently while the latter stood. One set of 
rooms contained a stone bath, of full size and modern shape, carved 
in a single block of stone. It had an outlet, but the water service 
cannot be traced: and there is a system of flues and heating 
apparatus, also of stone, in close proximity, suggesting that the 
whole formed part of a regular caldarium. The portion of this 
block to the north is apparently not contemporary; the walls are 
thin and irregular, interspersed with rows of pottery vessels and 

While these spots were being worked, it was found possible to 
dispose men in the level ground to the north-west of this mound, 
lying between buildings 292 and 296 and the western wall. With 
the help of light railways, a great amount of clearance was effected 
in this area, as the plan will show. Numerous small chambers like 
barrack-rooms or store-rooms were brought to light; but it was soon 
made clear that these were not the buildings of the original city, 
for in examining the apparent floors of these rooms, and working 
down to a further metre, through sand and debris, a series of stone 
columns was disclosed in the area marked 199 : clearly this is a 
building contemporary with and similar to the columned buildings, 
296 and 298. A more substantial structure, and one arranged with 
some reference to the main wall is No. 91, and this may be taken as 
a type of Meroitic houses. It shows the common Oriental features 
of the courtyard and residential rooms within its enclosing wall. 
The block No. 198 contained a building of special character; to 
judge by what can be traced, it must have been provided with a 
colonnade which presumably enclosed it. Abutting on this at its 


north end, a series of buildings (93) represent* two periods 
superposed, and encloses a brick kiln which presumably belonged 
to the later of these. Just to the south of this, in the spot numbered 
92, a flight of stone steps and veil-built threshold clearly marked 
the entrance to a substantial structure of the original city. 

Classical Temple 
Further to the north, numbered 97, there was found a small 
prostyle temple, the plan of which is here reproduced. It seems to 
be fairly contemporary with other excavated buildings adjoining 
it, and some of those lying to the south ; but it is clearly later than 
a well-built structure of red brick, the foundations of which still 






Plkn of Pnwtjle Tenuis 

enclose it. The walls of the temple-platform indeed were built of 
the bricks taken from these earlier walls, and handed across the 
conveniently narrow space intervening. The platform was enclosed 
in a single thickness of these red bricks but solidly padded with 


'wasters/ that is, red bricks which had lost their shape, or 
otherwise defectively burnt in the kilns. Five bases of these 
columns, as may be seen from the photograph on PL X, remain 
in position, and a little investigation soon disclosed the foundations 
of one of the antae. The length of the structure in proportion to 
its breadth does not give sufficient space for naos or pro-naos on the 
strict classical model, and we may suspect that, in this case, for 
local reasons, the dividing wall was dispensed with, and these two 
features were combined in a single chamber open to the cooling 
breezes of the north. The form of the base, the entasis of the 
column, the upper part of the capital, and some fragments of the 
entablature, together with a few miscellaneous decorative 
mouldings, are preserved; and by comparison with an existing 
column in the ' Taharqa ' Building, 296, lead to a restoration of the 
order something like that which we reproduce with the plan. At 
the time of writing, the fragments of pottery and other small 
objects which may enable us to distinguish the exact date of this 
building, are not available for study, but it may be observed that 
in the samples of pottery from other portions of the site which are 
accessible, Professor Bosanquet fails to recognise anything 
distinctively Roman, while some pieces are clearly of an earlier 
character, dating possibly from the second century B.C., and 
stamped with Graeco-Egyptian names. 

Summarising the general results of this portion of the work, it 
may be said that four building periods may be recognised. The 
earliest and apparently original series of buildings were of stone, 
and their foundations, for the most part, are not reached at less than 
two metres below the surface. They were followed at a considerable 
interval by buildings of red brick, which were soon supplanted by 
buildings, the walls of which were only faced with red brick. Then 
a further considerable interval follows until the surface houses are 
reached with their walls of mud or mud-brick, sometimes based 
upon rough foundations of stone. 

The Royal Baths 

We now come to the last and most instructive discovery which 
we have made within the site, in that portion, between the Royal 
Palace, 295, and the city wall, to which the working numbers 195, 


194, and 95 were assigned. The excavation of this low mound was 
taken in hand at the beginning of the season, but owing to the 
extreme tangle of the buildings within it, and the superposition of 
several periods, it was only during the last days of out stay that 
its full character and importance became clear. Working down 
through the superposed walls, we came upon the Royal Baths, and 
determined the original plan, as far as reproduced on Plate VII. 
Our excavation of this building is not yet completed ; but several 
of the chief rooms have been uncovered, including a local form of 
frigidarium, in the large swimming-tank and shower-bath, 
marked b, and a tepidarium (t), with ornamental seats. Attached 
to the baths are a series of chambers, c and d. The areas e and 
f have only been superficially examined, but it may be presumed 
that the colonnade traced along the western side of the tank was 
continued round it, as suggested in our plan. The enclosing wall 
of the whole building is fairly well defined by its facing of red brick, 
and the painted design upon its stuccoed surface, but there are 
several details which still require illustration. 

Two flights of steps lead down into the tepidarium. Its three 
seats are disposed around the quarter of a circle, and their arms 
are conventional griifins carved in stone. There was also found, 
fallen on to one of the stairs, a winged sphinx of stone, with the 
body of a lion and the head of a bird. The seats are of familiar 
rounded shape, built into the thin dividing wall which follows their 
curve. Several fallen capitals, and parts of engaged columns, 
stuccoed and painted, were found lying about in various places, but 
further details of its plan are still uncertain. 

The swimming-bath, b, is in a more complete state ; the tank is 
two metres deep, and a flight of steps leads down to the bottom on 
its eastern side. The water inlets on the southern side are 
preserved, and are six in number, without counting the open- 
mouthed lion-head at the corner. The water supply is found in an 
ingenious system of storage-aqueducts, coming from the south, 
lettered a. These were built of red brick with a cemented channel 
about 20 cms. in width, and 30 cms. in depth. They had practically 
no fall, until they approached the bath, where there was a gully or 
pipe provided with a stopper; so that the canals having been 
already filled, presumably from the well marked in the plan, the 
stoppers could be withdrawn simultaneously, and the water allowed 


to flow in a continuous cascade from the many openings into the 
tank. On this side the aqueduct is divided into four channels, 
which are distinguished in the plan by figures. The portion a1 led 
round the building c, and fed the nearest inlets, as was demonstrated 
by experiment. The portion a2 passed through the middle wall of 
c by a pipe, presumably to feed the central part of the cascade ; and 
the portion a3 returned round the other end of the building, and 
headed for the nearest pair of inlets on that side, being traced at 
one point as a brick pipe lined with iron. The fourth branch a4 
was brought down as it neared the bath to a lower level, and fed 
the gargoyle in the corner. The other walls of the bath are not 
preserved, but there is a distinct suggestion that, at any rate, the 
opposite side was fed in similar fashion from the system of aqueducts 
marked gg, which have not as yet been completely traced. The 
exact significance of the well h has also not been ascertained. 

The southern wall of the swimming-bath is so well preserved 
that its original decoration largely remains in situ. Between the 
water inlets there may be seen in the photograph, Plate VIII, a 
series of glazed tiles, medallions and other devices, the fore-parts of 
alternate lions and bulls sculptured in stone; and above them, on 
the plastered surface of the wall, are the traces of frescoes, among 
which two serpents and the legs of an elephant may still be 
recognised. There are also the pedestals of two or three statues 
standing along the wall, and the greater portion of a hound carved 
in stone. The head of the dog was recovered ; and it was also found 
possible to restore the central statue, which proved to be the 
representation of a harpist; and to replace the head on the left- 
hand sculpture, the subject of which is a musician playing the 
pipes. In the well of the bath the figure of a third musician was 
found, a flute player, and also the portions of numerous other 
statues. These included a local Venus, a reclining figure in the 
pose of the Vatican God-of-the-Nile, a seated figure, clad in robes, 
holding a scroll, and several others. 

In other portions of the building considerable fragments of 
statues were freely brought to light, and doubtless the number will 
be added to as the excavation proceeds. Some of these are of 
distinct merit as artistic products. We must also mention two 
statues which were discovered in the last days of the previous 
season, in a small chamber (near to the well w), which had intruded 


itself into the neighbouring corner of the palace enclosure! No. 295. 
These have been restored and placed in the museum at Khartoum. 
(See Plate IX.) They represent a man and woman ; the latter may 
have been carrying a water pitcher on her head, and the man 
labouring at the well. That the woman really carried some object 
on her head is proved by the traces of an actual attachment for that 
purpose, but possibly it was for a smaller object, such as a lamp. 

These Baths, with their decorative features, may be regarded 
as typically Meroitic. Nothing that had previously been found 
throws so much light upon the characteristics of the local arts of 
the period or periods they represent. The main structure of the 
bath we believe to be more or less contemporary with the adjoining 
palace, about the 2nd or 3rd century B.C. ; but it was partly recon- 
structed, it would seem, about a century later. The sculptures 
seem to group themselves into these two periods ; the one set, which 
is not numerous, of almost purely local conception, like the two 
figures last described ; the other, which is the more common, derived 
from classical motives. These are clearly all of local execution, 
and in many cases somewhat crude. But there are some 
exceptions : — a few of these carvings, doubtless also local products, 
are full of vigour and character, and not without signs of form and 
grace; notably the head of a Sattk (or more strictly a Silenus), 
the torso of a draped standing statue which is not here reproduced, 
and details in the execution of the flute player. The last-named is, 
unhappily, so much broken that a photograph hardly conveys a 
faithful impression of its quality. The torso of a male figure clad 
in a tunic and holding his robe over his left arm, recalls strongly 
the Vatican Augustus, and suggests a still later period for some, at 
least, of these sculptures. 

The main building which we last described had been very much 
confused and disturbed by another of rough stone and rubble, which 
lay across it. This is shown in the plan (Plate VII) by dotted lines, 
but in the general plan on Plate VI its character may be better seen. 
It suggests a series of barrack-rooms, hastily built. There was also 
one wall of good stone work later than the baths in date, and 
extending from the main wall of the city towards the palace, 295 ; 
it has still to be traced further. The walls of the baths present 
several different features, doubtless accounted for by periods of 
restoration. Those which we are inclined to think the earliest are 


built of small slabs of stone like the foundations of the adjoining 
palaces, while the later and more prominent walls are those built 
of solid red brick, and those with red brick facings but mud brick 
core. A third distinct period is represented, built in brick above 
these, but it is not important at the present moment to describe its 
remains, and we have omitted these from the present plan to avoid 
further complication. The last period, that of the rubble-stone 
walls, clearly belonged to a time when the city wall was already in 
ruins, for they may be seen stretching out over and beyond the old 
city boundary. 

General Conclusions 

Looking broadly at the results obtained during these three 
seasons of excavation, it now becomes clear that there are three 
main periods represented in the buildings which have been 
excavated, each one probably to be in its turn subdivided as work 
proceeds. The first is that of the original conception of the Royal 
City in the 7th or 8th century B.C. — the age of Aspelut, Hor-ma- 
tileq and Mal-neqen. To this date belong the great buildings in 
stone, — the walls of the city, the original portions of the Royal 
Palace, 294, ancL of the audience chamber 292, the so-called Taharqa 
building, 296, and the low-lying columns found this year in 
Block 199. The early wall below the baths, mentioned above, must 
also belong to this time. Alike from actual evidence, as from type 
of structure, the Sun-Temple must be assigned to this date, for in 
its courtyard was a broken inscription of Aspelut. To this period 
also belongs the earliest building in the Temple of Isis with its 
giant statues, and probably the building of the Lion Temple and 
the small shrine (No. 70) adjoining it. In this age, Egyptian 
motives in art and probably in culture were still predominant. The 
next period is distinguished by the supplanting, about the third 
century B.C., of Egyptian ideas by Greek; as witness a small cameo 
of galloping horses found last year and the semi-classical statues 
just described. In construction, solid stonework has given way to 
foundations of stone slabs and walls faced, at any rate, with red 
brick. The buildings of this age must include the Baths, the later 
Temple of Isis, and probably the small classical temple. The Temple 
of Amon we presume to have been built earlier, but to have been 
now reconstructed. The facts connected with the rise of this period 


Seem to accord well with the tradition of Ergamenes given by 
Diodorus. There arose upon this basis, as a second phase of its 
middle period, the great days of Meroe, associated in tradition with 
the Queens Candace, lasting till the first century a.d. To this time 
belong nearly all the distinctive objects of pure Meroitic origin, such 
as the fine painted and stamped pottery, the glass and decorated 
tiles and so forth. The third phase is one of decadence, and, so far as 
it can be recognised at present, seems to be distinguished rather by 
Roman than by Greek ideas in art, but the buildings of the time 
are comparatively crude and lack distinction. In the middle of the 
fourth century a.d., however, the city still maintained its 
importance ; and it was deemed the worthy objective of a military 
expedition as late as the seventh century ; so that further examination 
has much to disclose as to the character of Meroe in its later history. 

Chronological Summary 

Summarising these tentative conclusions we have, in the now 
familiar terms : — 

I. The Eoyal City (290) : Stone walls, Founda- 
Temp. Aspelut. tions of Palace 294, of audience 

chamber 292 ; of the ' Taharqa ' 
building 296; and the low- 
lying columns, 199. 
The Sun Temple; Lion Temple and Shrine (70). 
Original temple of Isis, with giant statue 

[Characterized by ashlar masonry; tombs of 
early iron age; red and black wares in 
pottery, plain. Meroitic hieroglyphic 
II. Temple of Amon (possibly enlargement and 
partial reconstruction). 
Palace partly underlying 295. 
Some chambers reused later in the Royal Baths. 
Some isolated foundations. 
[Characterized by stone-slab foundations, 
carried up in brick; Tombs of developed 
iron age; tendency to decoration on red 
and black pottery wares, by white lines or 
incisions, Meroitic cursive inscriptions.] 

b.c. 700—300. 




B.C. 30O— 

100 a.d. 

a.d. 200—700, 

I. Royal Palaces 294, 295. Royal Baths 194, etc!., 
(Temp. Ergamenes.) Audience chamber 292. 

Pottery and Brick 
[Characterized in construction by red brick 
walls; in art by introduction of Greek 
motives; the beginnings of thin decorated 
wares in pottery; Meroitic Inscriptions.] 
II. Classical temple, reconstruction in baths and 
over the temple of Isis. Partial recon- 
struction in palace 295. [Period of quasi- 
classical statues. Full development of 
Meroitic pottery wares, faience and glass.] 
III. Head of Augustus, Torso of Augustus, Roman 
baths, Palace 750. Graeco-Roman 

Characteristics not clear; Roman influence 
j . presumed. 

Invasion of Axumites, about a.d. 340. 

II. Destruction of Meroe, about a.d. 700. 




Among the objects comprising the collection bequeathed by 
Mr. Joseph Mayer to the Liverpool Museum in 1867, was an 
ancient Egyptian girdle (Inv. 11,156), which has been on exhibition 
ever since: it appears, hitherto, to have escaped the attention it 
deserves, both from Egyptologists and those interested in the 
history and development of the art of weaving. 

In the Autumn of 1911, Professor Newberry, who was at the 
time re-arranging the collection of Egyptian antiquities in the 
Museum, noticed that this girdle was of exceptional interest and 
importance on account of the fact that a pattern was woven into it, 
and that it bore the name of Barneses III written upon it. The 
oldest known examples of fabrics bearing a woven design are the 
fragments of tapestry that were discovered in the tomb of 
Thothmes IV at Thetus, and date from about 1500 B.C.; and the 
next most ancient examples, hitherto known to exist, were found in 
the Crimea, and date from about 400 B.C. The girdle that is the 
subject of this paper dates from about 1200 B.C., and would, 
therefore, be of exceptional interest even if it were only a figured 
tapestry, as are the specimens referred to above. It is, however, 
of a much more complicated structure, and shows, indisputably, 
that even at that early date the Egyptian weavers were possessed 
of a very considerable skill in the teohnique of their art, and built 
and used looms that were much more complicated than has hitherto 
been believed to be the case. 

The girdle measures 17 feet in length over all, and in width 
tapers evenly from 5 inches at the wider to 1| inches at the 
narrower end. It is woven with the warp, or longitudinal threads, 
running along its length, the selvedges forming the upper and 
lower edges. In order to prevent the ends from fraying out, the 
wider is bound with a braid, made of the same thread as is used 
in the cloth itself, formed into a loop at each corner, while at the 
narrower end the warp threads are plaited together in a cord or 


The material of which it is composed is linen, and the object in 
adopting the method of weaving that has been used, has clearly 
been to make the cloth as firm and, at the same time, as pliable 
as possible. The result has amply justified the complicated nature 
of the weave, for the girdle feels compact and unlikely to work 
into a rope when worn, while its smoothness and pliability to the 
touch remind one of a snake's skin. The number of colours used 
is five, blue, red, yellow, green, and the natural shade of the 
undyed linen, and, although in places they have faded almost to 
the point of being indistinguishable from one another, yet, on the 
whole, they appear to have stood the test of time very well. The 
green colour is only used in one or two places, and there, only in 
small spots, so that it is not noticed until the girdle is closely 

The illustration shows the nature and arrangement of the 
pattern. The white stripe down the centre, which is 1£ inches 
wide at the wide end of the girdle, is completely eliminated at 
the narrower end. About 12 inches from the wide end, the 
cartouche of Barneses III has been written in a black or 
dark brown ink on the girdle, in the middle of the white stripe. 
The ink used, appears to have damaged the linen, and this accounts 
for the fact that there is a hole in the girdle at this point, but, 
fortunately, the damage has not entirely obliterated the cartouche, 
which is still decipherable. 

The condition of the girdle is remarkably good for, with the 
exception of the hole mentioned above, and one or two cracks and 
places where the edge is ragged, it is a perfect specimen. 

The thread of which it is composed is threefold,* and the same 
thickness appears to have been used for warp and weft. A careful 
computation of its thickness, calculated from the weight of the 
girdle (about 11£ os.) and the length of thread required to make it, 
gave a count of threefold 105 lea, linen scale. It is very evenly 
spun, and still has a considerable amount of strength in spite of 
its great age. For the benefit of those not acquainted with the 
linen scale, it may be said that one pound weight of single 105 lea 

• A threefold thread is one that is composed of three fine threads 

together just as a rope is composed of several strands. The first prooess in its 
manufacture is the spinning of the fine single thread, three threads of which are 
then ' doubled* up, to form the threefold thread. 


thread contains a length of about 18 miles, the ' threefold ' being 
about the thickness of fine sewing cotton. 

The girdle, as has been stated above, has been woven with the 
warp threads running along its length, while the weft threads, 
those that are carried by the shuttle, pass across it from side to 
side. The warp threads have been dyed to the various colours that 
compose the pattern, and lie so closely beside one another as to 
cover the weft threads completely. These latter are of undyed 
yarn, and count on the face about 30£ to 1 inch. As the cloth is 
a double one, a different set of weft threads weaves the back from 
those used for the face, so that we have about 61 threads of weft 
to the inch in the complete cloth. The warp threads count about 
68 to the inch on the face, and as there are two different qualities 
or weaves of cloth in the girdle, as will be explained later, one of 
which requires four threads, and the other five, for each thread 
shown on the face, we find there must be no fewer than 272 threads 
of warp to 1 inch, in some parts, and as many as 340, in other parts. 
It is to the great quantity of yarn that is used to make it, that the 
cloth owes its firmness, while the method of arrangement of the 
threads accounts for the fact that it is so wonderfully pliable. 

Much as the interest of this remarkable specimen may appeal 
to the general observer, it is not until we come to examine its 
structure that we discover the most remarkable points about it, for 
by doing so, we are able to deduce the method of its weaving, the 
really complicated form of loom used, and the great ingenuity 
displayed by the weaver in obtaining his pattern. 

The structure or design* of a cloth is not an easy matter to 
explain to a person unacquainted with such matters, the usual 
terms and diagrams being almost incomprehensible to the unitiated, 
but in the present instance, the design, or rather designs, are so 
ingenious that it may be worth while describing them in a 
somewhat more elementary manner than would be necessary to 
explain them to a weaver, in order to enable the non-technical 
reader to understand them, should he wish to do so. 

In weaving such a cloth as the one we are considering, the warp 
threads, all being laid parallel with one another, are stretched on 

* Note. — Throughout this paper the term ' design ' is used to refer to the 
plan or arrangement of threads composing the cloth irrespective of their colour, 
and by the term * pattern* is implied the ag-sags, stripes, etc. 


the loom, being wrapped round a roller at each end or secured in 
some other way. The weaver first draws a certain number of 
them forward, and then passes the weft thread across, between the 
warp threads that he has drawn forward and those left lying 
behind them. Let us suppose that all the warp threads are 
numbered consecutively, starting from number one at one side of 
the loom, and that to begin with, all the odd numbered threads are 
drawn forward and a thread of weft is woven in, then all the even 
threads are drawn forward and another thread is woven in, and this 
process is repeated again and again, first the odd and then the 
even threads being drawn forward. The cloth that will be woven 
will be of the simplest design that can be imagined, being the 
same as plain calico, or plain tapestry cloth. 

If, after having woven some of the cloth, we were to dissect it 
by cutting it up along the line of the warp, the section showing the 
odd warp threads would be as follows — the dots representing the 
section of the weft threads — 


and the even warp threads would appear thus — 



Fio. 2. 
while a diagram of this kind 

Fio. 8. 

would represent the complete cloth, and would show that it was 
woven on a design that required two warp threads, and two threads 
of weft, to complete it. 

Now it was found by examining the plain white stripe up the 
centre of the girdle, at a place where it was torn, that the arrange- 
ment of the warp threads was as follows, though of course the 


diagram shows the effect very much enlarged, the actual sice of 
the section shown in the diagram, covering in the cloth only one- 
third of an inch. 

| One f*U repeat 1 

<^vcf><c>0®d£><£X2>£iXS> .... 5» 

BACK * r 

Fig. 4. 

It will be noticed that four warp threads are required to make 
this design, and they have been indicated differently, in order to 
show the order in which they occur. It will also be noticed 
that this design shows a double cloth, one set of weft threads being 
used to make the back and another set being used for the face of 
the cloth, and that the design repeats on twelve threads of weft, 
six back, and six face ones. 

If, in the cloth, all the warp threads were of the same colour, 
and were so close to one another as to hide the weft entirely, the 
effect would be a plain cloth of uniform colour, and this is what 
we see in the white stripe down the centre of the girdle, as well as 
in the plain blue and plain red stripes that lie next to it on either 

Among the different patterns to be found on the girdle it will be 
seen that there are a number of stripes, consisting of spots of 
various colours. There are eight of these in all, four in each border, 
six of them being the same on one side of the cloth, reading white, 
red, white, blue, white, blue, this pattern repeating again and 
again. Now it will be seen that if the 1st and 4th warp threads 
in the diagram were white, and if the 2nd was red, and the 3rd 
was blue, the effect on the face of the cloth would be a series of 
spots in exactly the arrangement found in the stripe referred to. 
If, however, we examine the effect of such an arrangement of 
colours on the back of the cloth, we shall find that the pattern 
is not the same, as it will read, white, blue, white, red, white, 
red, having two spots of red and one of blue, to the two blue and 
one red on the face. 

An examination of the cloth showed that this was actually the 
pattern given by five of these stripes on the back, but the sixth 


stripe, one of those on the outside edges of the borders, gave exactly 
the same design on the back as on the face. The other two spot 
stripes read thus, yellow, green, yellow, blue, blue, blue, being 
the same on both back and face, and it will be seen that it is 
impossible to get this pattern by any arrangement of the colours 
of the threads, if woven on the design given above. 

It will therefore be seen that the design with which the white 
centre stripe was woven could have been used to weave the two 
inner spot stripes and three of the outer ones, and an examination of 
a place where it was possible to see the arrangement of the threads 
on one of the stripes proved that this was the case, so that after the 
weaver had once arranged his warp threads so that, of each set of 
four, the first and fourth were white, the second was red, and the 
third was blue, all he would have to do would be to weave along on 
the same design as given above, and spot stripe would be 
produced; while, where all the threads were white, red, or blue, a 
plain coloured cloth in white, red or blue would result. 

An examination of the texture of the girdle shows that the 

centre section out to the inner spot stripes, and one of the outer 

edges, is thinner than the rest of it, this thicker part being uneven, 

having distinctly marked ridges running across it as though every 

fifth and sixth threads of weft were thicker than the others. Most 

fortunately a portion of the edge of the girdle, at which this 

unevenness occurred, was damaged so that it was possible to find 

out the design of this uneven part. The design may be represented 

as follows: — 


I One full repeat- 


— •—• _ AT 

BACK -..-.- sv 

Fio. 5. 

It will be seen at once that whereas this design resembles the 
former one in that it repeats on twelve threads of weft, six face and 
six back, yet it requires five threads of warp instead of four. If 
the first spot stripe is again considered it will be seen that we can 
obtain it by the use of this design if the first, third, and fourth 
threads are white, the second is red, and the fifth is blue, and it 


will be noticed that with such an arrangement the back and face 
will both give the same pattern. 

It will also be seen that the spot stripe, yellow, green, yellow, 
blue, blue, blue, which could not be obtained with the other design, 
can be obtained with this, and also gives the same pattern on the 
back of the cloth, this being the case in the girdle. 

We now come to the examination of the other patterns, of which 
there are two, and as a moment's consideration will enable one to 
see that if one of these can be woven by this design, the other can 
also, it will only be necessary to explain one. 

Taking the zig-zag pattern, it will be seen that it consists 
actually of only three different spot stripes arranged below one 
another so as to give the effect required. Of these, two are really 
the same as the two that we have considered so far as arrange- 
ment goes, marked Z and Y, though the actual colours used may be 
different, and the third one, marked X, reading blue, white, blue, 
blue, blue, blue, can be obtained by having the second thread of 
each five, white, and the rest blue. 

The diagram shows the zig-zag pattern. The letters show how 
each section or step may be read as a spot stripe, and the table 
shows the colours of warp threads that must be used for each of the 
group of five, required to complete the design of the cloth. 

Table of arrangement 

at WaortbaMB 

j— 0** r*~ »*- 

It will therefore be Been that this zig-zag pattern can be woven 
just as simply as the spot stripes first considered, so that when the 
weaver bad once fixed up his loom he had no further need to pay 
any attention to the pattern, which came up automatically, and it 
can easily be seen that the other pattern can be accounted for in 
the same way. This design on five warp threads is therefore proved 
as being the one required to weave the parts of the girdle that 
could not be woven by the design on four warp threads, and anyone 

with any knowledge of weaving will at once see that the five-warp- 
thread design will cause the ridges referred to above, on account 
of the uneven way in which the double cloth formed by it, is bound 

With reference to the back of the cloth, the following diagram 
shows the effect that would be obtained on the reverse side, by the 
same arrangement of the warp threads as used for the face in the 
table above. 

This diagram represents the back of the cloth as it would look 
if it could be viewed through from the face, and it will be seen that 
the pattern is all moved along three weft threads, so that the 
' Zig ' appears at the back underneath the spot where the ' Zag ' 
is, on the face, and this corresponds with arrangement of the design 
as found on the cloth itself. 

We have now proved the designs in which the girdle is woven, 
and seen how, by a complicated draft, or arrangement, of the 
various coloured threads, the different patterns were all produced 
automatically as long as the weaver continued to weave the cloth 
according to the two designs that we have Been were used. The 
drafting of the warp for such a pattern as this will readily be 
understood to have been a matter requiring the greatest patience 
and accuracy, when it is remembered that there were about 340 
threads to the inch in some parts, but even after the warp was set 
up in the right order, the weaving of it would be a matter of very 
considerable difficulty, and one calling into play all the skill of the 

In the weaving of the simplest form of cloth as referred to above, 
we have seen that the weaver draws forward the alternate warp 
threads before passing the weft through. In the most primitive 
form of loom this is done by hand, each thread being picked out 
and drawn forward separately, or the needle, or shuttle, carrying 


the weft is threaded up and down across the warp exactly as in 

It will be readily seen that if there are a large number of warp 
threads, the speed of weaving will be very slow indeed if each one 
has to be picked out by hand, so that an arrangement of what are 
known as lisse threads was adopted at a very early date, being 
shown in use in a picture of an Egyptian loom dating back to about 
3000 B.C. These lisse threads consist of a large number of short 
threads of even length, having a loop at one end, and being attached 
at the other end to a bar of wood or a string stretched across the 
loom. To set up a loom to weave plain cloth, two sets of lisse 
threads might be used. The even warp threads would be threaded 
through the loops in one set while the odd warp threads would be 
threaded through the loops in the other set. All that would now 
be required to prepare for the passage of the weft would be to pull 
forward one of the sets of lisse threads which would draw forward 
all the odd or even warp threads as the case might be. After the 
weft thread had been put in, the set of lisses that had been pulled 
forward would be allowed to fall back and the other set would be 
drawn forward to prepare for another thread of weft. 

As the design of a plain cloth such as we have been considering 
repeats on two warp threads, only two sets of lisse threads are 
required to weave it, but in the case of the girdle part of it is woven 
with a design that repeats on four warp threads and part with a 
design that repeats on five, so that, as the whole nine work quite 
independently of one another, nine sets of lisse threads, at the least, 
will be required to weave this cloth. 

It is hardly conceivable that in weaving this girdle the various 
warp threads were picked out and drawn forward by hand before 
each thread of weft was put in, for owing to there being as many 
as 340 of them to the inch in some places, many of them would be 
completely hidden and buried among the others, and to pick out 
the right one would be a matter of the very greatest difficulty such 
as would baffle the most painstaking and patient of mankind. 

Knowing that the use of lisse threads was understood at the 
time that this girdle was woven, and appreciating the practically 
insuperable difficulties in the way of picking out the design by 
hand, we should be justified in assuming that lisse threads were 


used, even if there was no direct evidence to prove the assumption. 
There is, however, very conclusive evidence, in the nature of the 
faults that occur in the girdle, which are such as would be made 
by pulling forward sets of lisse threads out of their turn, for the 
faults repeat the whole way across the cloth. 

There is one fault in the weaving that is of very particular 
interest, and which may best be illustrated by the way in which it 
effects the zig-zag pattern. On one side of the cloth it is not visible, 
but on the other side the zig-zag pattern appears thus : — 

If the girdle had been woven by two weavers, one sitting at the 
back and the other at the front of the loom, this fault would have 
been detected at once; but if only one man had been weaving it 
he would not have noticed the fault if it occurred on the back 
because there is no sign of it on the face. 

While it would be practically impossible to weave such a cloth as 
this without the use of lisse threads, it would not be by any means 
a straightforward and easy matter working such a design as this 
with nine sets of lisse threads. Before the first thread of weft was 
put in, the weaver would have to draw forward the 1st and 6th 
sets and would have to hold them out while he put his weft across. 
Before the second thread of weft could be put in (the first back 
weft thread) he would have to draw forward the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 6th, 
7th, 8th, and 9th, next the 3rd, and 8th, and then 1st, 3rd, 4th, 
5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, and so on, for the twelve different combinations 
required to complete the design. 

It will be seen, therefore, that it would be a very easy matter 
to make a fault by drawing out the wrong set of lisse threads, or 
failing to draw out a set that should have been drawn forward for 
any particular thread of weft, and if such a mistake were made while 
weaving one of the threads of weft making the back, it would not 


be noticeable from the front of the cloth. A careful examination 
of the girdle fails to reveal any such slips of an odd set of lisses, 
the faults referred to above being the result not of the failure to 
raise or leave a single set, but the use of one combination of lisses 
instead of another. In the fault illustrated, the weaver has 
repeated over again two of the combinations that he has just used, 
instead of going on to the next in order. He has, in fact, put in 
three back threads of weft one after the other, to one face thread, 
so that in the same space as is covered by six weft threads on the 
face we find eight at the back. 

This interesting fault would suggest that some means was 
employed for working out the combinations automatically, so that 
all the weaver had to do was to pull forward, before putting in each 
thread of weft, that one, of twelve levers or strings, which was 
attached to the combination of sets of lisse threads required for the 
thread of weft that he was about to weave. 

Such an arrangement as this would simplify the weaving 
enormously, and there seems every reason to believe that something 
of the sort was used, possibly the weaver did not actuate the twelve 
strings himself but had an assistant to do it for him, just as boys 
were used for the same purpose in old hand looms, being called 
draw-boys on account of their having to draw up the sets of healds 
as required. 

It has already been said that the girdle tapers in width from 
one end to the other, and this has been effected by gradually 
cutting out some of the warp threads as the weaving proceeded and 
drawing the remaining threads closer together, so that the number 
of threads to the inch remained the same throughout. Where the 
design repeats on five warp threads, bunches of five have been 
removed at a time, and where it repeats on four, bunches of four 
have been taken, so that the design of the cloth has not been 
interfered with, but the pattern is gradually altered in size and 
shape, as may be seen by comparing the illustrations of the two 
ends of the girdle. 

Even if this girdle represents the high water-mark of the 
weaving industry at the date at which it was woven, and although 
we know of no other examples of anywhere near the same date that 
approach it as examples of complicated weaving — for the earlier 


specimens refe r r e d to axe only hand tapestry and as suck far simpler 
and more primitive examples of wearers' art — we cannot believe 
that all the ingenuity that has been expended upon it was the 
result of one man's work. Probably many of the features of this 
doth that hare been considered had been in use, possibly in a 
simpler form, for many centuries before this sample was woven > 
although we hare no record of them. 

The earliest example of wearing that has been found in Egypt 
dates back to the Archaic Period (about 3500 B.C.), and is only plain 
doth such as was used for mummy wrappings, but an examination 
of it shows that all the thread used to make it is two-fold and that 
lisse threads were used to weave it. 

There is another very interesting point that is raised by a 
consideration of this girdle which has been left to the last, not on 
account of its comparative importance but because the only evidence 
that throws any light on the point is of a circumstantial kind. 
The general impression that is gathered from a glance at the 
drawings of ancient Egyptian looms is that they were vertical ; that 
is to say, the warp was stretched vertically, but since the Egyptian 
drawings represented objects as all being on the same plane, it will 
be understood that a weaver sitting beside a vertical loom would be 
represented in exactly the same way as a weaver sitting beside a 
horisontal loom, so that some of the drawings of looms that exist 
may represent horisontal looms, although at first sight they appear 
to be vertical. 

Whether this girdle was woven on the former or latter variety 
is a matter that cannot be determined with certainty, but there are 
points that support the view that the loom was horisontal. The 
vertical loom has been found the best, on the whole, for hand 
tapestry weaving; whereas the horisontal is the only form that is 
used for modern power looms. 

The modern form of lisse threads, called nowadays ' healds,' 
consists of two bars of wood with threads tied between them, in the 
middle of which there is a loop or eye through which the warp is 
threaded. The object of this is that the healds can be drawn 
backward as well as forward. In a cloth containing ns many threads 
of warp to the inch as the girdle, it would be a matter of the greatest 
difficulty to draw forward exactly the threads that were required 


without their bringing with them other threads with which they 
were entangled, unless these other threads were held down by 
hoalds such as have been described. In a horizontal loom the 
healds will hang vertically, and in many forms of looms a weight 
or spring is attached to the bottom bar of the heald to keep it taut 
and to draw it into place after it has been used. Such an arrange- 
ment would be very much more complicated to fit up on a vertical 
loom than on a horizontal, and apart from that difficulty, in a 
horizontal loom the threads would tend to fall back into place of 
themselves, which would not be the case in a vertical loom. Anyone 
who has a practical knowledge of weaving with a large number of 
warp threads to the inch will realise the great difficulty of getting 
the warp to split or ' shed,' cleanly for the passage of the weft, and — 
in view of the very accurate weaving of the girdle and the small 
number of faults due to imperfect shedding — will readily endorse the 
suggestion that the girdle was woven on a horisontal loom with nine 
leaves of healds at least, weighted if not worked positively, and 
raised by some arrangement analogous to the modern dobby in so 
far as it drew forward by one motion the various leaves of healds 
required for each pick of weft, the pegging plan or design of which 
would be as follows : — 

Piokb of Witt. 

tMign of Qwditj with 

Fiv« WMpThreadH. 

bpv I rD.i-' 

1 Threids of 
r Wup. 

1 1 1 □ ■ □" 

■Sj BPSLM ■ ■• 

PlG. 9. 

esign of Quality with 
Four W.rp Ihtwda, 

LLLM-LJ — ■ 

n— tt 1 1 si 1 1. 

■ ■■ 1 II 1 




By Professor F. P. BARNARD 

As only a few of the rare 13th and 14th century Jettons are 
included in the above collection at the Institute, I add here 
descriptions and illustrations of other early pieces, and of certain 
later examples of typical character or of special interest, taken 
from my own cabinets. All are of latten, bronze, or copper. The 
lettering down to No. XXI inclusive is Lombardic. 
I. — Obverse of an English, or Anglo-French, 13th century Jetton. 
The crescent and star was a badge of Richard I, John, 
and Henry III, and appears on the obverse of both seals 
of Richard I, in the field ; on the obverse of the first seal 
of Henry III, at the beginning of the legend ; and on the 
reverse of the Irish pence and halfpence of John, 
e.g., Nos. 10 and 12 in the British Museum Handbook. 
Since the origin of this badge does not seem to have been 
investigated, I venture to submit the following suggestion 
as to how it came to be used by Plantagenet Kings of 
England. The crescent and star (or sun, whichever it 
was) appears on the deniers and oboles (pennies and 
halfpennies) of Raymond V, Count of Toulouse and 
and Marquis of Provence, 1148-94). (See e.g., Engel and 
Serrure, Numismatique du Moyen Age, I, 780.) It is 
found also on the reverse of coins of Raymond II, Count 
of Tripoli, 1152-87, a member of the House of Toulouse. 
(Ibid., 912.) Evidently it was a device of that family. 
The mother, and the paternal grandmother (Geoffrey of 
Vigeois, ed. by Labbe in Nova Bibliotheca, Paris, 1657, 
II, 304), of Queen Eleanor, mother of Richard I and 
John, were both of the House of Toulouse. Thus it is 
likely that the crescent and star descended to these kings 
through their mother. On many of the 13th century 
jettons of the English sterling type (such as Nos. 1 and 2 
in the collection at the Institute) the cross on the reverse 
is cantoned by two crescents and two stars placed 
alternately. It is not necessary here to go behind the use 


of this symbol as a Plantagenet badge, but it appears in 
the Roman coinage as the sun and moon on a reverse of 
Petronius Turpilianus (Smith, Diet. Gk. $ Rom. Biog., 
1867, III, 1192), and became, of course, a familiar device 
of the Eastern Empire, whence the Ottoman Turks 
presumably adopted it. (Didron, Christian Iconography, 
Stokes, I, 159.) See the seal (in Pi ton, I, 77) of one of the 
Lombard bankers settled at Constantinople in 1249. There 
is no legend on either face of this piece. The reverse bears 
a long cross patty, similar to that on Edward I's Anglo- 
Gallic penny {B.M. Handbook, Nos. 243, 245), cantoned 
by crosses within circles, which is somewhat reminiscent 
of the Pax money of William I. The obverse of this 
jetton is described and illustrated in Bouyer and Hucher, 
p. 171 and Plate XVI, figs. 134-5; and in La Tour, 
Nos. 662-6. [PL III, L] 

II. — Jetton of Lombard bankers, such as succeeded the Jews 
after their expulsion from England in 1290. Both faces 
are the same, and are mute. The type is the orb, or 
mound, surmounted by the cross, combined in monogram 
with a Lombardic m (P) and s (P) as initials. If these 
are the letters, they may stand for Bonaventura de 
Marceio of Siena. (See Piton, II, p. 10.) The cross and 
initials is a common form of device on the Lombard 
counters, and may be compared with our merchants' marks. 
The bezanty border is one of the features of this class of 
jetton. As this fine piece (together with Nos. Ill, IV, V, 
VI, and others) was bought by me at the Bale of the Kinberg 
collection at Amsterdam on July 1st, 1910, it probably was 
never used in England and may very well be anterior in 
date to 1290, but is of that century. Jettons of this 
character are of Italian manufacture. [PI. Ill, 2.] 

III. — Obverse of a Lombard Jetton of the same class as No. II, 
bearing a p surmounted by a cross. On the reverse is the 
mound with its cross, which is carried down throughout 
the mound, and in each of the angles thus formed is a 
pellet. It is mute on both faces. The same obverse 
appears with different reverses in Piton (Nos. 113-4), and 


with yet another reverse, the shield of the Strozzi (?) 
family of Florence, in La Tour (No. 707). The reverse 
of this piece occurs on another counter of the same series, 
given in Piton (No. 139). [PI. Ill, 3.] 

IV. — Reverse of a Lombard jetton of the same series as No. II and 
III. The pack, or bundle, is a common and natural type 
on these pieces, and is found also on leaden merchants' 
seals. The obverse bears the device of the Albizzi family, 
two concentric circles surmounted by a cross. Both sides 
are mute. This counter is given in Piton (No. 180). 
[PL III, 4.] 

Y. — Reverse of a Lombard jetton of the same series as Nos. II, 
III, and IV. The initials are t.s. A fleur-de-lys on the 
obverse shows that the issuer was a Florentine ; cp. Piton, 
No. 146, reverse. Both faces of the coin are mute. 
[PL III, 5.] 

VI. — Obverse of a Lombard jetton of the same series as Nos. II 
to V. The shield is that of the Franzesi family (paly of 
six gules and argent, a fess or) borne by the famous Italian 
financiers known in France as Biche and Mouche. Piton 
(II, pp. 100-1) gives cuts of their seals : these display the 
above arms with the respective legends s[igilltjm] men 
[filh] guidonis de figlhto, and s[igillum] htjsciati 
[filii] gtjidonis de figlino. Figlinum is Figline, to the 
south-east of Florence. This helps towards the following 
pedigree : — 

Guido de 9 Franzesi da Figline 


Albizzo di Guido Musciatto di Guido 

de' Franzesi da Figline. de' Franzesi da Figline. 

There was a third son Nicolo. For an account of 
transactions of this house consult Piton, I, 102-114; and 
for a notice of the negotiations for an alliance against 
England conducted in 1297 by these two brothers, see 
Trans. Ryl. Hist. Soc, N.S., XVII, 178. This obverse 
is that of Piton's No. 72; cp. also his Nos. 73-5. The 
reverse is similar to that of No. Ill, but has no pellets. 


None of the examples given by Piton have this reverse. 
Both faces are mute. [PL III, 6.] 
VII. — Lombard Jetton of the same series as the preceding five. 
Both faces are the same, and are mute. Unknown to 
Piton, Feuardent, and La Tour. [PI. Ill, 7.] 
VIII. — Obverse of a Lombard Jetton bearing Androcles and the 
Lion, a favourite type with this class of counter. On the 
reverse is an equilateral triangle, base uppermost, 
surmounted by a cross which penetrates to the centre of 
the triangle where it ends in a mullet or pierced star. 
This piece is Feuardent's No. 4975 and Piton's No. 145. 
Among other reverses or obverses with which the 
Androcles type is found associated are the fleur-de-lys of 
Florence (Piton, No. 146 ; Feuardent, No. 4976) ; the Lion 
of St. Mark of Venice (Piton, Nos. 141, 147-152; La Tour, 
Nos. 719, 723; Feuardent, Nos. 4977-8; Fontenay, p. 57; 
Eouyer and Hucher, p. 175) ; St. George of Genoa (Piton, 
No. 142) ; the p of Pisa (La Tour, No. 711) ; the double s 
of Siena (?) (Piton, No. 143); and the arm holding a 
croiser, of the Chartreuse at Pontignano (Piton, No. 153). 
[PL III, 8.] 
IX. — Obverse of a Jetton with the type of a bear tied to a tree, 
Feuardent's No. 11041. The legend is Cest la malle best. 
The reverse has the decorated cross within a quatrefoil 
(familiar on counters of the period), in the spandrels of 
which are the letters a.v.e.m. for Ave Maria. Its date 
is late 14th century. Some authorities, e.g., Dugniolle 
(Nos. 27-33), attribute these pieces to Bruges; Feuardent 
(II, 459), Bouyer, and others allot them to France. There 
can be little doubt that they are of French, not Flemish, 
make. Feuardent goes further, and regards them as 
jettons, or me'reaux, of the Abbey of Ourscamp in 
Languedoc, on the ground that the arms of that house 
display a similar bear. Cp. La Tour, Nos. 1358-68. 
[PI. Ill, 9.] 
X. — Obverse of a Jetton of the TrSsor Royal of France, struck in 
the second half of the 14th century, displaying four keys 
in cross. In the 13th and 14th centuries, keys were the 

• r 

* • • 

* « - 



* . • 

special badge of the French Treasury counters, antf-. ••*.-. 
survived on the buttons of liveried officials of that *.**.••. 
department down to the French Revolution. (Cp. the keys 
on the English Exchequer Seal, given in Archaeologia, 
VIII, PL XXX, fig. 3.) The legend is gettes seurement 
followed by a dragon, another symbol of guard and 
security, often found on the locks of coffers in the Middle 
Ages. The reverse type is the arms of France-ancient 
on a lozenge set within a quatrefoil, and the legend, le 
compte trou veres, is a continuation of that on the obverse. 
This piece, which is Feuardent's No. 1849, is of graceful 
design and delicate workmanship. It is described and 
illustrated by Rouyer and Hucher, p. 61, PL IV, fig. 30; 
and La Tour, No. 72, PL III, fig. 5. [PL III, 10.] 

XI. — Reverse of a 13th century Jetton of the Chambre des Monnaies 
of France. The scales are symbolic of monetary affairs, 
the pellets perhaps of coins or of counters. Both faces 
are mute. The reverse bears the shield of France-modern 
surrounded by pellets (Feuardent, No. 2114; Rouyer and 
Hucher, 52, PL III, fig. 21). I have used throughout 
these lists the conventional term France-modern, but this 
piece is itself one of many proofs that the three fleurs-de-lys 
are found in France long before 1364, while France-ancient, 
in which the field is semy of lys, occurs long after that 
date, e.g., on 15th century jettons. Among artists, at any 
rate, there was no rule, and even on Edward Ill's gold 
money we find both arrangements. Variants of this jetton 
have France-ancient. [PL III, 11.] 

XII. — Obverse of a Jetton, probably of the wife of Philip, Count of 
Evreux, and, jure tucoris, King of Navarre (d. 1343), 
bearing the arms of Evreux and Navarre dimidiated. The 
legend reads pater noster qui es in c, and the reverse 
legend is the same less the final c. On French jettons 
dimidiation generally indicates the counter of a lady. 
The type of the reverse is a cross fleurdelisee with bowed 
limbs, its voided centre enclosing a fleur-de-lys, a form 
which is not found on jettons till the second half of the 
14th century; though it had occurred in the French gold 





• « 

• » 

• • 



• • 

..'•< 102 

coinage, on the reverse of the Chaise and Pavilion, in the 
reign of Philip VI (1328-50). Cp. Feuardent's No. 6361 ; 
and see Rouyer and Hucher, pp. 119 et seq. ; and La Tour, 
Nos. 343, 346, PL IX, figs. 4, 5. [PI. Ill, 12.] 

XIII. — Obverse of a Jetton of Marguerite, daughter of Raymond 
IV, Count of Provence, and Queen of Louis IX of France 
in 1234. The arms are a fleur-de-lys for France, and the 
coat of Aragon dimidiated. Raymond was a nephew of 
Peter II of Aragon. On the reverse is the famous coin- 
type of the Chdtel Tournois, the nature and origin of which 
was explained in my lectures on English Numismatics, I, 
238-240. Both faces of the coin are mute. This is 
La Tour's No. 202; and see his PI. VI, fig. 2, reverse. 
[PL III, 13.] 

XIV. — Obverse of a Jetton of Blanche of Navarre, second wife 
(1349) of Philip VI of France. She died in 1398. The 
arms are those of France-ancient and Navarre dimidiated. 
The legend on each face is the same : ave mama gracia 
ple[na]. The type of the reverse is that of No. XII. 
This piece is described and illustrated by Rouyer and 
Hucher, p. 91; PL VIII, fig. 70; and by La Tour, 
No. 278, PL VII, fig. 11. See also Florange, I, 20; and 
Feuardent III, No. 11517 (still in MS.). [PL III, 14.] 

XV. — A 14th century French Jetton showing a characteristic 
reverse of the period. The legend reads gardes de falib 
conte. On the obverse is the paschal lamb bearing a 
gonfanon on a cross-headed staff, with the legend au 
mouton sui bnate. The last word is meaningless : pieces 
of this series often have blundered legends. This is 
Feuardent' s No. 9497, for the lamb and flag type was 
tentatively placed by him with the jettons of the province 
of Berri, though it was certainly issued in other districts 
also, the aignel, or Tnouton, d'or (which ranged in date from 
Louis IX, 1226, till 1325 in the reign of Charles IV) being 
one of the French coins especially imitated by early jettons. 
The ' Mouton de Berri ' was, it is true, the device of that 
province, and three sheep, two and one, were the charges 
on the arms of its capital, Bourges (cp. La Tour, p. 81; 


PL XII, Nos. 12, 13, 14) ; but the lamb and flag, again, 
is the principal bearing on the coat of Rouen. {Cp. 
La Tour, No. 545, PL XIV, No. 15; and Itouyer and 
Hucher, p. 168, PL XVI, No. 132.) See also La Tour, 
No. 1032, who classes this counter under the Agnus Dei 
type, without reference to any locality. Many examples 
of these M out on jettons bear evidence of their having been 
struck at the Tournay mint. [PL III, 15.] 

XVI. — He verse of a late 14th, or early 15th, century Tournay 
Jetton. The legend is o mater dei memento mei. That 
on the obverse is the same, but, as the letters are rather 
smaller, a[ve] m[aria] is added to fill up the space. The 
obverse displays three circles arranged in triangle, one of 
the symbols of the Tournay mint : see Fontenay, 46 ; and 
La Tour, pp. 229 et seq. [PL III, 16.] 

XVII. — Obverse of a Jetton struck either for use in the Chambre 
des Comptes of Dauphin6, or in imitation of such, 
probably in the time of Louis XI or Charles VIII 
(1461-98). The arms of France and Dauphin^ quarterly 
occupy the field, and the legend is gettes entendes atx 
compte. On the reverse the field is semy of fleurs-de-lys, 
and the legend reads, in continuation of that on the obverse, 
gardes vous de mescompcter. This is practically the 
same as Feuar dent's No. 11318, of which, and others of 
similar character, he writes ' Imitations nurembergeoises P' 
The workmanship seems too good for this. Cp. La Tour, 
No. 89, PL III, fig. 14; and Bouyer and Hucher, p. 164, 
PL XIV, fig. 122. [PL III, 17. 

XVIII. — Reverse of a Flemish Jetton of 1487: a helmed lion 
supporting the shield of Flanders. The legend is eripe 
me de ikimicis meis d[omi]ne from Vulgate, PsaL, 
LVIII, 2. On the obverse is St. Andrew holding his cross 
before him, with the legend dh*exis[ti] axdream dominus. 
The sal tire, or St. Andrew's cross, was a device of the 
House of Burgundy (Favine, Theater of Honour, London, 
1623, IV, v, 23), and St. Andrew was chosen as patron of 
the Order of the Golden Fleece, instituted at Bruges in 
1429, by Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy and Count of 


Flanders and Holland (1419-67). This piece is probably 
from the Tournay mint and is Dugniolle's No. 323. 
[PL III, 18. 

XIX. — Reverse of a Jetton of the Flemish mint, issued in 1491. 
The obverse displays the shield of Philip ' le beau ' and 
and that of his father the Emperor Maximilian I 
impaled, with Flanders impaling Austria en surtout. 
The legend, which continues that on the obverse, reads 
de laecheduc pf[i]lipe duc de bourg[ondie]. The 
obverse type is the same as that of No. XVIII, with the 
legend iett[on] de la monnoie [Mint] de flandr*. This 
piece is No. 442 in Dugniolle, and is described and 
illustrated by Van Mieris, I. p. 236, fig. 5. [PL III, 19. 

XX. — Obverse of a Medalet-Jetton issued in 1430, probably from 
the Tournay mint, in commemoration of the marriage of 
Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, with Isabella, 
daughter of John I, King of Portugal: the parents of 
Charles the Bold. The type is the familiar device of 
Burgundy, the steel with flints and burning branches. 
The form of the steel of the period resembled the B of 
Burgundy. The legend on both faces is ave maria 
grasia plena. On the reverse is a small cross potent 
fleury cantoned by four lys. This piece is practically the 
same as Dugniolle's No. 69; and cp. Jtouyer and Hucher, 
p. 137, and Fontenay, pp. 105, 249, 334, 388. [PL III, 

XXI. — Obverse of a Jetton of the household of the Archduke 
Philip 'le Beau' (see No. XIX), issued c. 1486. The 
shields are those of France-modern, Flanders, Burgundy- 
ancient, and Austria-ancient. The legend is continuous 
from one face to the other: ebtt [on] dtx bureau des 


[uc]. The field of the reverse is occupied bv the arms of 
Philip (see No. XIX) with an escutcheon of Flanders over 
all. Cp. Dugniolle's No. 325. [PL III, 21. 
XXII. — Reverse of a Jetton of Nicholas Van Laen, Treasurer of 
Eleanor, 2nd wife of Francis I of France, sister to the 
Emperor Charles V and dowager queen of Portugal: 


struck in the Low Countries in 1530. The arms are those 

of Van Laen, with the legend nicola[s] va[nder] l^n 

tresori[e]r g[e]n[era]l d[e] la roi[n]e. This legend 

begins at the bottom of the coin, on the left-hand side, 

an arrangement which, though comparatively unusual, is 

not unfrequently found. The obverse displays the shield 

of France-modern impaling Spain and Burgundy, with 

the legend leonor[e] royne de France. This is 

Dugniolle's No. 1255, and is described and illustrated 

by Van Mieris, II, 328. Another counter of this official 

is given in Florange, No. 50. [PL III, 22. 

XXIII. — Obverse of a Medalet- Jetton, issued by the mint at the 

Louvre, to commemorate the Peace of Edinburgh between 

France and England, 6 July, 1560. The F is for Francis II 

of France, and the busts represent him and his wife, Mary 

Queen of Scots, or possibly their hoped-for offspring. 

The legend abundantia publica galliar[um] presumably 

points to the expected results of the alliance with 

Scotland and the treaty with England. On the reverse 

is a standing female, gazing and pointing heavenwards, 

and resting one hand encouragingly on the head of 

another woman, seated at her feet. The latter holds an 

infant, and from her posture evidently is symbolical of 

the misfortunes of war. To the right of the standing 

figure lies a heap of discarded weapons with a laurel 

branch placed in them. In the exergue is an inscription 

felicitas galliae, and the legend reads pietas regis 

invictiss [imi]. The types on both faces of the coin are 

thoroughly characteristic of the classical designs which 

by this time had become the vogue, and the phraseology 

of the legends and of the inscription on the reverse, is 

borrowed from the Roman coinage. The type of the 

obverse was perhaps suggested by a first brass of Antoninus 

Pius with the heads of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, 

or by a reverse of Tiberius, on which Addison has much to 

say (Discourse on Medals, 1753, pp. 77-82); or, again, 

perhaps by a first brass of Drusus Junior, alluding to the 

fecundity of the Imperial Family, and representing the 


twin children of Drusus and Livia. (See Stevenson, 
p. 289.) This piece is illustrated by Bie, PI. 61, fig. 6; 
PI. 62, fig. 1; and Pt. II, p. 185; and cp. Feuardent's 
Plates, I, fig. 10; Fontenay, p. 151; and M.I.B.H., I, 
p. 98, Nos. 17-19. [PI. II, 23. 

XXIV. — Obverse of a Jetton of the Emperor Charles V for 
Flanders. It bears a fine bust of the Emperor, and is 
dated 1548 on the reverse. The legend is cabolus v 
romanor[um] imp[erator] sbmp[er] august 9 . The 
reverse displays the shield of Charles V supported by the 
double-headed eagle, and the legend reads gectoirs du 
bureau de lempereur : 1548. This piece, which is of 
Flemish manufacture, is Dugniolle's No. 1742; and 
cp. Fontenay. p. 373. [PI. Ill, 24. 

XXV. — Obverse of a Medalet- Jetton, dated 1598, struck in the Low 
Countries to record the falling away of Henry IV of 
France from the treaty of alliance made two years before 
between England, France, and the United Provinces 
against Spain. The shields are those of France-modern, 
England, the United Provinces, and Zealand. The legend 
is deo duce, coiote concordia. On the reverse three 
forearms in plate armour, issuing from a central laurel 
wreath (or possibly a laureated buckler), hold each a 
sword. Above the wreath, or buckler, is the date 1598; 
in the middle of it is the name of Jehovah in Hebrew 
characters. The legend reads mutua def[e]nsio 
tutiss[ima]. This extremely rare piece is Dugniolle's 
No. 3452, and Van Orden's I, No. 1040. See, too, 
M.I.B.H., I, p. 173, No. 170; and cp. ibid. No. 146, and 
Van Loon, I, 471. [PI. Ill, 25. 






This preliminary statement is published by request, pending the completion of 
Professor Oarstang's * Thousand Tombs of Abydos ' in which a fuller description 
and illustration will be found. 

In the spring of 1907, our Expedition was occupied chiefly with 
the excavation of a portion of the great necropolis of Abydos 
lying immediately to the north-west of the valley that leads up 
through the desert, from the township of the earliest dynasties, 
southwards towards the royal tombs of the same period. The 
growth of the necropolis on this side was fairly uniform. The 
earliest tombs are in general those nearest to the city, and the 
latest are those furthest removed in this direction; the periods 
represented range from the Old Kingdom to the New. A little 
past mid way (beyond the Old Fortress called the Shuneh-t-el- 
Zebib), in an area full of tombs of the middle Kingdom and Hyksos 
Period, near the edge of the valley, tomb 416 was found and 
excavated in the ordinary course of work. The gang of labourers 
was controlled by a foreman of experience, named Ambarak Aqab ; 
this work went on under my personal supervision. The notebook 
references made during the excavation are in my own handwriting, 
and the inventory of the contents of the tomb is in the hand- 
writing of the late Mr. Harold Jones. 

The tomb was like others of the period : it consisted of a group 
of six shaft graves, side by side, built at one and the same time. 
The whole group was protected from the falling sand by a wall 
descending about 1*50 metres into the sand; and the dividing 
walls between the shafts, about two bricks thick, descended to 
about the same depth. At this level the harder gravel bed was 
reached, and through this stratum the shafts descended to a depth 
of about five metres without the support of masonry. Thus the 
shafts were only about half a metre apart from one another; and 
the partitions were of gravel. The chambers corresponded, being 
uniformly dug into the south-east ends of the shafts, at the bottom, 


so that the six chambers lay practically side by side. As was not 
uncommon, the chambers were hollowed in a softer stratum of 
gravel than the roof above ; in fact the depth of such tombs seems 
to have been largely determined by the point at which a 
conveniently soft stratum was found. This being the case, it not 
infrequently happened that in the course of time the slender 
partitions between the chambers fell; or were broken down by 
plunderers forcing their way through from one chamber to another, 
thus leaving a more or less continuous cavern, into which access 
might be gained from any of the six shafts. For this reason, we 
adopted the habit of numbering such tombs with a single number, 
distinguishing the various shafts, and, so far as possible, the 
various chambers, by separate small numbers. Furthermore, it is 
demonstrable that such groups of graves were constructed and first 
used in the same historical period. The shafts were first 
constructed by a speculator or contractor, who only prepared the 
chambers as they were required. 

The contents of the tomb were in this case noticeably free from 
intrusive features and uniformly characteristic of the funereal arts 
of the Xllth Dynasty. It is unnecessary here to give the list 
in detail; it covers six of the inventory sheets. The objects for 
the most part, are massed together in a common list for the reasons 
stated above, but in the cases of the third and sixth graves (from 
the north), it was possible to discriminate to some extent, so that 
these received each their separate inventory. In the general list 
there is an unusual number of small glazed objects, including a 
hedgehog, two cats, several apes and monkeys, as well as a number 
of crude painted figures representing animals, wrestlers, musicians 
and so forth. There is a long list of the objects familiar to 
Egyptian tombs of the Xllth Dynasty; such as Eohl pots of 
alabaster and of dark stone; grinding palettes of dark stone and 
of slate; mirrors with wooden and stone handles, etc. Specimens 
peculiar to the Xllth Dynasty include necklaces of large 
globular glazed beads, long cylindrical glazed beads (such 
as were freely used in collars of the middle empire at Beni 
Hasan), and small beads of amethyst, garnet, etc., with amulets 
of mother of emerald : also small vases of ' blue marble ' — a 
material hardly found in other periods. Confirming this general 


evidence are two cylindrical cylinders inscribed with royal names 
of Kings Senusret III and Amenemhat III, as well as a private 
scarab of their period, inscribed with the name of the Steward 
Sa-em-pet. (See PL XIV.) 

A noteworthy feature of these lists is the uniformity as to 
date ; for we are accustomed, at A by doe, to find evidence of tombs 
having been re-used once at least, and possibly several 
times, in ages subsequent to that at which they were constructed. 
It was only in examining the surface-filling when the excavation 
was completed, that anything of a different period was discovered; 
that was however only the foot-end of a glazed Ushabti figure, 
such as are found littered about the surface of the sand in every 
direction, and therefore cannot be admitted in evidence. In this 
general inventory of objects from the common chamber, there are 
sixty items, not one of which suggests any difference of date or 
general character. 

The third section of the tomb was somewhat better preserved 
than the rest, and the inventory of this portion reads as follows : — 
(a) Slate Kohl pot with lid, 5*2 cms. 
(6) Slate colour-mortar, 116 x 202 cms. 

(c) Diorite colour-mortar, 17 x 10*3 cms. with grinder, 

4 cms. 

(d) Minoan (' Mycenean ' in MSS.) Vase, in fragments. 

(e) Blue glazed * draught-man holder/ 11 cms. 

These objects are, with the exception of (d) similar in general 
character to others found in the tomb, and occasion no separate 
comment. The vase (d) which is now on view with some of the 
contents of this tomb, in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford 
(No. E3295), is there described as a ' Cretan polychrome vessel in 
a style characteristic of the second middle Minoan period. 9 
(See Plate XIII.) 

The sixth portion, that is the most southerly, was also partly 
separable, and has, accordingly, its own inventory amounting to 
a dozen items. These again do not call for detailed observation, 
comprising alabaster Kohl vessels, a standing dark stone vase 
tapering to the base, of typical middle empire form, two vessels of 
blue marble or blue alabaster, the use of which material is 
practically confined to the middle empire, and so forth. 


One portion of the tomb alone remained undisturbed so far 
as ancient plunder was concerned. This was in an upper chamber 
of the second section, and it owed its preservation doubtless to the 
fact that the plunderers had gained access to the chambers below 
by way of another shaft, but had not taken the trouble to open 
up the shaft in question, and consequently remained unaware of 
this upper chamber. It contained, however, nothing specially 
instructive. In it a body had been placed with head to the south, 
facing west. At the foot were a stone palette with grinder, and a 
Eohl pot of a dark stone, and near the head were a few beads, — 
all uniform in character with the objects already mentioned. The 
subsidence of the chamber at the back made further excavation 
of it impracticable. 

Our present subject of enquiry being the circumstances 
attending the discovery of the Minoan Vase found in the third 
section of the tomb, there remains little to be said. Every object 
found inside the tomb to a number of more than a hundred was 
of Xllth Dynasty character, and we cannot doubt that the inscribed 
cylinders of Amenemhat III and Senusret III gave a reliable date 
to the whole group. There is nothing to suggest that the vase in 
question is not a contemporary deposit, — in fact any other 
conclusion would be unjustifiable. In many tombs of this site, 
the usual mixing of dates might have complicated the argument, 
but in this case no such difficulty arises. It is proved beyond 
reasonable doubt that the Minoan Vase was found in a Xllth 
Dynasty tomb, and is therefore at least as old as the contents of 
the tomb. It may of course be still older, so far as our evidence 
is concerned. 

The further problem of the actual date in years to which this 
object must now be assigned, is not in any way connected with the 
excavation of the tomb. Those who believe that the Hyksos period 
in Egypt was not as long as tradition would have it, and who eke 
out the paucity of historical evidences rather by archaeological 
cotnsideifetions, — chiefly the changes in forms and character of 
objects, and in burial customs, (the standard criteria), if any, — 
between the end of the middle empire and the beginning of the 
new empire, may place the date of Senusret III as late as 1900 B.C. 
It must be said at once, however, that the Egyptian sources of 


evidence on this point are not satisfactory, because the material is 
too slight : but even the little material evidence that remains, is, 
in my judgment, a more reliable basis for chronology than 
distorted traditions, and the strung-out lists of possibly con- 
temporary local ' dynasties. 9 The links with Crete provide a much 
better standard and basis of judgment, for the development of 
culture there, between epochs now determinable, is well illustrated 
by a continuous series of archaeological evidences recovered by 
methodical excavation and research. It is necessary however to 
bear in mind the inherent difference of local conditions and 

The date recorded in the Ashmolean Museum for the second 
middle Minoan period, which is that of the earlier palace, is 2000 
to 1800 B.C. This conclusion agrees entirely with our own view. 




By T. E. PEET, B.A. 


Since 1872, when General Faidherbe read to the Prehistoric 
Congress at Brussels his paper on the dolmens of Algeria, t the 
question of the origin and meaning of the megalithic monuments 
has been a subject of speculation to archaeologists. The Congress 
at Stockholm two years later gave a further impetus to the 
discussion, which continued somewhat spasmodically until the 
appearance in 1897 of Montelius' Orient und Europa, where a 
definite point of view was laid down which seems to have satisfied 
many archaeologists and to have provoked but little criticism from 
the rest. From that date the general question has been inclined 
to stagnate, though work on particular monuments and groups of 
monuments has always been in progress. It has, however, just 
been revived by the remarkably interesting point of view put 
forward by Professor Elliot Smith in his book The Ancient 
Egyptians, with regard to the origin of megalithic architecture. 
The last five years, too, have seen much new research, especially 
in Sardinia, Malta and Syria, and as a result we are far better 
qualified to decide questions of date and origin than we were in 

The great problem with which we are brought face to face is as 
follows : Buildings of peculiar types, made of huge blocks of stone, 
usually unworked, are found in certain parts of a vast geographical 
area extending from Portugal to Japan and from Sweden to 
Morocco. What is the meaning of this phenomenon? 

Three possible answers suggest themselves. The custom of 
building megalithic monuments may have arisen independently in 

* This article reproduces in substance a paper written for the Dundee meeting 
of the British Association. Owing to lack of time it was impossible to read more 
than a portion of the paper at that meeting, and it therefore seemed advisable to reproduce 
it in its entirety. 

t CompU-rendu du oongrh (Tarcteologie prthistorigue, Bruxelles, 1872, pp. 406 ff. 
The still earlier work of Bonstetten, Bssai sw let dolmens (Geneva, 1866), should be 


the countries in which we find it. Or, in the second place, it may 
have arisen among a single people and spread to others connected 
with them by trade or other relations. Or, in the third place, the 
spread of the custom from a single centre over a large area may 
have been due to an actual migratory movement of the people 
among whom we are supposing it to have originated. 

The first of these theories, that which postulates a number of 
independent places of origin for the monuments, has found a keen 
defender in Mr. A. A. Lewis.* He says : ' The building of dolmens 
was not confined to one race and the building of circles to another, 
nor was there any one race which originated and diffused both; 
but rather that megalithic building was a phase of culture through 
which many races have passed and which was developed in 
different ways not only by separate races but also in very restricted 
localities by different tribes, without regard to any racial 
differences or connections between them.' 

To this theory there are several very serious objections. It is, 
at the outset, unlikely that a method of building which is to a 
great extent unnatural, consisting as it does in the use in small 
buildings of huge blocks of stone when much smaller and more 
manageable ones would have served the purpose equally well, 
should have arisen independently among so many peoples. If the 
phases of culture through which all or even many races pass be 
examined, it will be found that they are all in some way natural, or 
even necessary. Thus most nations have passed through a phase 
of employing copper for the simple reason that copper is more 
workable and more lasting than flint. In the same way almost all 
nations have passed on to use iron instead of copper, because it will 
take a better edge and can be produced in a much harder form. 
These are natural stages in a rational development. But such an 
argument cannot be urged in the case of megalithic monuments. 
The use of huge blocks of stone is not at all a necessary stage in 
the evolution of architecture. The natural origin of architecture 
lies in the putting together of stones of convenient size, and this 
corresponds exactly to what we actually find in the earliest 
buildings of Crete and Egypt, in which latter place, however, the 
conditions are complicated by the occurrence of mud brick at a 

* See Anthropological Journal, XXXVm, pp. 380 ff., and XL, pp. 336 ft 


very early date. Constructions of very large blocks are as a rule 
the product of the builder who has had a long experience, which 
has given him the courage to employ, and the skill to fit, such 
blocks.* The use of huge stones in an early stage of a people's 
civilization is therefore an abnormality to be accounted for by 
some special reason, and it cannot be explained as a phase which 
many nations passed through as a natural course. That it should 
arise independently in even a very few countries is unlikely, but 
to suppose that it did so in a large number, when the very 
geographical position of these makes collusion evident, is 

Again, whereas Mr. Lewis has laid emphasis on the local 
differences between the monuments, what is far more striking is 
their similarity over the whole area in which they occur. For 
megalithic building is not merely the use of huge blocks of stone, 
it is their use in particular ways and according to a well-defined 
system. Its central principle is the employment of orthostatic 
slabs, i.e., slabs set up on their edges instead of being laid flat. 
In some instances these slabs form the whole height of the wall, 
and the building is roofed over with horizontal blocks of stone. In 
cases where the walls are to be higher, or where the areas to be 
roofed are larger, the upright slabs form the lowest course, and 
above them are laid more or less horizontal courses of smaller 
blocks. In this case the roof .is formed by corbelling, i.e., each 
successive course of blocks projects slightly forward over the last, 
so that the walls curve inward as they rise, and finally form a 
vault or dome. More rarely, as in the nuraghi of Sardinia and the 
sesi of Pantelleria,t the orthostatic principle is abandoned and 
roughly-coursed masonry is used throughout. 

* To the suggestion sometimes made that the pyramids and the palaces of Crete 

have just as much right to be included under the term megalithic buildings as, for example, 
the temples of Malta, and perhaps more right than the talayots of the Balearic Isles and 
the nuraghi of Sardinia, where the stones are not all of immense size, it may be replied 

the temples of Malta, and perhaps more right than the talayots of the Balearic Isles and 

rnere the stones are not all of immense size, it may be replied 
that there is nothing in common between the finely fitted horizontal masonry of Crete 

and Egypt and the unworked or roughly-squared orthostatic blocks of Malta. As for 
the talayots and nuraghi, even if their own construction does not show them to belong 
to the true megalithic civilization, the other monuments which are found with them, 
and which have been shown to be the graves of those who lived in them, show every 
characteristic of the megalithic style. The Cretan and Egyptian buildings belong to 
an entirely different tradition of architecture, and I cannot for a moment admit the 
possibility of Montelius' suggestion that the pyramids are merely improved derivatives 
of the dolmens. 

It is worth while to remember, as a characteristic of megalithic buildings, that they 
are small structures built with incongruously large blocks of stone. 

t Monumenti Antichi, IX, pp. 449 ff. 


These same methods of building, particularly the principle of 
the upright slab, are found in all parts of the megalithic area, and 
point very strongly to a single centre of diffusion. This argument 
is strengthened by the remarkable similarities of detail noticeable 
in monuments existing in countries far apart from one another. 
Thus the simple dolmen occurs in practically every part of the 
megalithic area. Other types of monument have an equally wide 
distribution. The so-called wedge-shaped tomb, for example, 
common in the province of Munster in Ireland, consists of a simple 
allee couverte running east and west, and widening out considerably 
towards the west end.** This same widening at the west end is 


O O 



Fia. 1. Megalithic Tomb with curved facade at Annaoloohmullin, Ireland. 

(After Btruria Cdtica.) 

also a feature of certain megalithic monuments in Scandinavia, ft 
Germany, Holland, Portugal, Syria,* and the Deccan in India.t 
Again, a feature of many megalithic structures is a curved fagade 
in the centre of which the doorway is situated. Such a fagade is 
seen in the so-called temples of Malta, J in the Giants' Tombs of 
Sardinia, § the naus of the Balearic Islands^ (where, however, 
the curvature is very slight), in the horned cairns of Caithness, II 

•• Borlase, Dolmens of Ireland, Vol I, fig. 23. 

tt Montelius, Dolmens en France et en Suide, pp. 8-9. 

* Borlase, op. cit., figures an example from the Jaulan in Syria. 

t For these and for the dolmens of India in general see Transactions of the Royal 
Irish Academy, XXIV, 1865. 

I See Albert Mayr, Die Insel Malta, fig. 5. For still better examples see the 
plans to be published in Papers of the British School of Borne, Vol VI, especially that of 
the largest of the Cordin buildings. 

§ e.g., Mackenzie in Ausonia, Vol III, p. 36, fig. 21. 

% See the Nan d'Ee Tudons, Cartailhac, Monuments primitifs des ties baUares. 

|| Montelius, Orient und Europa, fig. 125. 


in the long barrow of West Tump in Gloucestershire, in the grave of 
Annaclochmullin and the cairn of Newbliss** in Ireland, and in a 
tomb at Maughold in the Isle of Man. ft 

A further resemblance in detail between monuments far apart 
is to be seen in the small holes or windows which so often occur in 
one of the end uprights, or in those which sometimes divide a long 
grave into sections. Such windows are common in the dolmens of 
India. § They are found in the Caucasus,?} Palestine, Syria, §§ 

Via. 9. Holed Dolmen at Ala Bafat, Byria. (After De Laynw.) 
Sardinia,1i1l France) Q and Sweden. •*• There are good examples in 
our own country in the barrows of Avening and Rodmarton.ttt in 
the dolmen of Plas Newydd in Wales, and in the monument known 
as Orry's Grave in the Isle of Man.JJJ It is not impossible that the 
famous pierced stone known as the Lanyon Quoit, in Cornwall, at 
one time formed part of a megalithic tomb of the type under 
discussion. The peculiar cup-markings sometimes found on the 
megalithic monuments form another link between far distant 
countries, for they occur in Palestine, North Africa, Spain and 
Portugal, Corsica, France, the British Isles, Germany and 

** BorUae, op. at., figs. 269 end 278, 
ft Kermode end Herdman, Monk* Anliqaitiex, fig. 17. 

S See Trans. Royal Iriek Acad. lee at. The double dolmen of Coorg figured by 
Monteliua op. at. is a good example. 

Jt BorUae, op. oil.. Vol III, pp. 722 fl. Also Matfriaux pour Thittoire de Thommt. 
1885, pp. 545 ff. 

ES De Luynes, Voyage d la Met Morte, Vol. I, p. 136. 
i:*T Autonia, VoL III, fig. 30. 
IJII Anthrop. Journal, 1910, p. 337. 
**' Montoliue, Dolmem en France et en Suide, p. 9. 

ttt Ardtaeologia, XVI, p. 382, XXH, pp. 216-7 ; Proceeding*. See. Ant. Land., 
2 ser. II, p. 277. 

]]J Kermode and Herdman, op. at., pp. 48-9. 

* Montclius, Orient und Europa, p. 26 fl. The Maltese examples probably serve 
an entirely different purpose, being merely ornamental. 


These remarkable resemblances of general principle and of 
detail are not due to mere coincidence. They can only be explained 
by the supposition that megalithic architecture had a single origin, 
from which it spread into the countries in which we find it. 

The date and geographical distribution of the monuments both 
point to the same conclusion. One often hears the careless 
statement that they are of very various dates. This is not strictly 
correct. Those of Europe and Africa mostly begin in a single 
period — the end of the Stone Age, or the transition to the era that 
followed it. To this period may be assigned, for example, the 
monuments of Malta, many of the nuraghi and Giants' Tombs of 
Sardinia, the monuments of Spain and Portugal and of France, 
the Long Barrows of England, and the dolmens and more 
complicated tombs of Germany and Scandinavia. For other 
examples, such as those of the Caucasus and the Crimea, we are 
entirely without evidence. Even in Africa, where some of the 
tombs are certainly of the Iron Age, there are others which are 
earlier, showing that the production of megalithic monuments in 
this region may well have begun at the date we have specified 
above. The existence of megalithic monuments of late date can 
never be an argument against derivation from a single source so 
long as it cannot be shown that there are no early examples in the 
same district. Thus in Algeria we know that there are some 
dolmens which have yielded objects of iron, but this does not 
justify us in supposing that the dolmens of Algeria all belong to 
the Iron Age. Only a very few out of many hundreds have been 
excavated, and Maclver has given reasons for thinking that the 
parts of the cemeteries dug are the latest and not the earliest, t So 
in India, too, several of the dolmens excavated are said to have 
contained iron, but this is no argument for the late date of the 
rest, and until many more have been explored we have no ground 
for asserting that there are no dolmens of the late stone or early 
metal age in India. 

Thus the argument from the date of the monuments, so far from 
telling against the idea of their having a single origin, is rather 
in favour of that idea, at any rate in Europe, where the earliest of 
them in each country all date from one period — the end of the 
Stone Age. 

f 8ee Maolver and Wilkin, Libyan Notes, p. 03. 


The argument from their geographical distribution is even more 
convincing. If we omit the Japanese examples, which we shall have 
to consider later, we may say that they begin in India and move 
west to Persia, Syria and Palestine, whence a by-path leads to the 
Caucasus, the Crimea, and Bulgaria.* The main line keeps to the 
north coast of Africa, running through Tripoli, Tunis, Algeria and 
Morocco. Thence it branches off to the north to Malta, Lampedusa, 
South Italy, Sardinia, Corsica, the Balearic Isles, Spain, Portugal 
and France, and finally up to the British Isles, Scandinavia, and 
the German shores of the Baltic. If megalithic monuments arose 
independently in all these regions, it is an extraordinary fact that 
they should lie, as they do, on the shores of a long natural sea 
route while the centre of Europe is entirely free from them. Surely 
the only possible explanation of their peculiar distribution is that 
they arose from a single source and thence spread into distant 

If this is the case, it only remains to account for their 
distribution over so wide an area. And here, as we saw at the 
outset, two possible explanations suggest themselves. Either they 
were spread among various peoples by the influence of relations set 
up by trade, or they were introduced into various countries by a 
single race in the course of a great migratory movement. These 
two theories we may for convenience of reference describe as the 
influence and the migration theories respectively. The former 
seems to have been regarded with the more favour by archaeologists, 
and yet it is not easy to see why, for it involves several very grave 

In the first place, were the countries which lay scattered along 
the great sea route which we have described in close enough touch 
with one another to account for the spread among them of 
megalithic building P No doubt certain trade relations existed even 
in neolithic times, but though we are apt to talk rather freely of 
the early trade routes, we have often little evidence to support our 
ideas. Within certain circumscribed areas, such as the Aegaean, a 
lively trade is known to have existed in the Bronze Age, but we 
have no right to push this back into the earlier periods or to apply 

* This is merely a description of their distribution, not of the direction in which 
they actually moved. 


it to far wider areas, except in cases where we have definite and 
sure evidence. Almost yearly we are finding that some material 
once supposed to have travelled hundreds and even thousands of 
miles by way of trade occurs in a natural state much nearer home. 
Thus the jadeite used in the manufacture of stone axes at Alba in 
North Italy was once supposed to have come from the east, but 
the raw material has now been shown to exist in the Alps and 
Apennines only a few miles from Alba* Archaeologists have 
pointed, moreover, to the peculiar kind of turquoise, called callais, 
which occurs in certain megalithic tombs of France and Portugal, 
as a proof of wide trade relations in the megalithic period. But 
it has to be remembered that this stone has been found in no 
megalithic tombs except those of the countries mentioned, and that 
the idea that it came from the east is the purest assumption. It is 
far more probable that it occurred in a native state in France or 
in Portugal, or even in both. 

It was probably the discovery of copper which did more than 
anything else to improve trade relations between one country and 
another. Flint was to be had in some form in almost every country, 
but copper was of such paramount importance in the struggle for 
existence that its importation became almost a necessity for any 
country which had not its own supply. Thus the trade of the early 
metal age was largely a necessary product of that age, and proves 
nothing with regard to the trade of the neolithic period. This 
being the case, it is far from certain that in the neolithic age the 
relations between the various parts of the megalithic area were 
strong enough to account for the spread of this remarkable custom. 
We have an excellent test case in Malta. Here, copper seems never 
to have been introduced at all, the only flint found is of the 
wretched quality which the island itself provides, and there is no 
trace whatever of trade or foreign influence of any kind. And yet 
Malta possesses some of the finest megalithic monuments in 
existence. The only possible explanation is the perfectly simple 
one that Malta formed one of the bridges used by a race who were 
builders of megalithic monuments in their migrations from Africa 
to Europe, or vice versa, and that a part of the race remained 

there and built the famous megalithic temples. The argument is 

— ■ — 

* Atti del Cangr. Inienuu. di aeienze sloriche, Rome, 1903, VoL V, pp. 357-371. 


rendered more cogent by the fact that excavation is each year 
making it more probable, if not certain, that these builders of 
megalithic monuments were the earliest inhabitants of Malta, and 
that they brought the custom with them when they entered the 

On the other hand, the theory that the monuments were 
introduced by trade relations involves the assumption that such 
relations existed in the neolithic period over a very large area, and 
moreover, that these relations were strong enough to pass on not 
only products but customs from one country to another. If the 
upholders of this ' influence ' theory could really imagine what this 
involves, they would probably be surprised by their own boldness. 
In the history of civilisation it is natural that any discovery which 
confers a real benefit on man should tend to spread. Thus the use 
of copper tended to spread, the discovery of edible cereals tended 
to spread, and the employment of the horse as a beast of burden 
tended to spread. But it is hard to see what attraction there was 
in megalithic monuments which caused them to spread, or what 
advantage their inventors could have in forcing their diffusion. 
Thus, though the traders of one part of the megalithic area might 
have been interested in finding a market for their copper in some 
other part, they would have no possible reason for wanting to 
persuade their customers to use megalithic monuments for the 
burial of their dead, nor would these latter, even if in the course 
of conversation they heard that such monuments were used 
elsewhere, or actually saw them in place, gain any advantage by 
adopting them themselves. 

A further point which is apt to be overlooked is that the trade 
which, according to the advocates of this theory, brought the 
megalithic monuments cannot, from their geographical position, 
have been anything but a sea-borne trade. Now a sea-borne trade 
brings commodities rather than customs. Thus we can imagine 
that a people who lived on the confines of the nation who discovered 
the use of cereals, or the domesticating of animals, would be likely 
to adopt the new discovery, for they would have every opportunity 
of seeing it at work and appreciating its value. On the other 
hand, a people separated from the discoverers by a long stretch of 
sea would have far less opportunity of adopting the new discovery 


as they would hear of it only from occasional travellers and traders. 
Thus it comes about that a sea-borne trade will rapidly diffuse a 
commodity such as copper or gold, but is at a disadvantage in 
spreading a mode of living or a custom, even when this happens 
to be a really useful one. Much more is this true of a custom which 
is not in itself of any value to humanity, such as the use of 
megalithic monuments. 

To this it may perhaps be replied that what this trade spread 
was the use of stone for building purposes, and that as the only 
kind of architecture then in vogue was megalithic, this was the 
form in which the new discovery spread. In answer to this it has 
already been pointed out that megalithic architecture is an 
unnatural and abnormal system, depending for its origin on 
peculiar circumstances. It is unthinkable that the many peoples 
who, we are to believe, were taught by trade to use stone should all 
have used it in huge unwieldy masses instead of building with 
smaller pieces, which are far more easy to obtain and far easier to 
set up. This trade theory would, further, not account for the exact 
similarity of the monuments in far distant parts unless we are to 
understand that the actual monuments were conveyed from one 
country to another by ship and set up by foreign workmen sent 
over for the purpose. 

There is another even more serious objection to what we have 
called the * influence ' theory. It overlooks the fact that megalithic 
architecture is in the main religious and funerary in character. 
We know that in certain cases, such as the nuraghi of Sardinia, 
and probably the talayots of the Balearic Isles, it was applied to 
the houses of the living, but more usually its aim was to provide a 
temple for the gods or a tomb for the dead. In origin it was almost 
certainly funerary, as may be seen from its simplest and oldest 
manifestation, the dolmen. Among primitive peoples nothing is 
more sacred than the rites connected with the burial of the dead. 
There is nothing in regard to which early races are more 
conservative and in which they oppose more violently change or 
modification of any kind. Yet the advocates of this influence 
theory would have us believe that, not merely in one country but 
in many, the inhabitants were induced by mere foreign influence 
to make a complete change in their methods of burial. In other 


words, the people of Spain, hearing from traders that the people 
of Algeria or elsewhere were accustomed to bury their dead in 
dolmens, gave up their ancestral custom of interring the dead in a 
trench in the bare earth, and all the associations connected with 
it, and adopted the dolmen. This seems quite incredible. 

It is curious that while so many archaeologists are wont to point 
to similarity of burial customs such as the rite of contracted burial 
as a proof of identity of race, they should fail to see that the 
equally strange custom of burying in dolmens has precisely the 
same cogency.* 

The influence theory has lately been presented in a very 
attractive form by Professor Elliot Smith in his book The Ancient 
Egyptians. t He there advances the theory that the building of 
megalithic monuments in the Mediterranean was an attempt to 
imitate the accomplishments in stonework of the Egyptians, and 
that megalithic monuments did not appear until the aeneolithic 
age because the rise of architecture followed the discovery of copper 
in Egypt. This theory is by no means free from difficulties. In 
the first place, to say that copper was discovered in Egypt is still 
an assumption, and many archaeologists find it hard to accept the 
paradox that the use of copper was discovered in a country where 
no copper existed. J In the second place, proofs of the early 

i - - — — ■ - - — — — — - ■ — _ . . 1- 

* It should be noted that the convene of this proposition is not neoessarily true. 
Thus two peoples who use the contracted position are probably sprung from a common 
anoestor. On the other hand there may be peoples also sprung from the same ancestor 
who no longer use this position. But they gave it up by a process of internal development 
in burial rite and not at the suggestion or dictation of traders. In other words diversity 
of custom is not necessarily a proof of diversity of race, but only of a long period of separa- 
tion. The megalithic people, like their neolithic predecessors in Europe, often used the 
contracted position. This suggests that they were in remote origin not unrelated to these 
predecessors, an idea which is confirmed by the similarity of the skull types. In this 
case the use of megalithic monuments must have been evolved among them after the 
first (early neolithic) branch had already broken away from the common home in Africa 
or elsewhere. 

f pp. 168 ff. 

t The Egyptian copper of course came, in dynastic times at least, from Sinai, and it 
is dear that King Mersekha of the 1st Dynasty carried on mining operations there. But 
we have no evidence to show that the Egyptians were the first people to mine the metal 
there. It is most unlikely that they should have discovered a new material in a country 
in which they did not live and to which they had no incitement to go until they heard 
that they could there obtain a material whose value they had already learnt by 
experience. That the Sinaitic peninsula was at this early date in other hands is clear 
from the statement of Mersekha himself when he tells us he had to repel the attacks of 
the local tribes. These were perhaps the lawful possessors of the mines. 

[Copper in the form of carbonate, chloride, etc., is present in the gneisses and 
schists of the Eastern Desert, and there are old workings at Absiel and Abu Hamaznid. 
See W. F. Hume, Preliminary Report on the Geology of the Eastern Desert of Egypt, 1907, 
pp. 66-57. Ed.] 


relations of Egypt with even so important a centre as Crete are 
scanty and unconvincing, and it is therefore improbable that Egypt 
was in such close relations with the far less important parts of the 
Mediterranean as this theory would require. In the third place, 
Egyptian and megalithic architecture are so entirely and essentially 
different that it is impossible to derive one from the other. In 
Egypt we can trace the rise of architecture from the simple mud- 
brick work of the early first dynasty to the fine stone temples of 
the sixth, to which latter period Professor Elliot Smith assigns the 
influence which created the megalithic monuments. In all this 
there is nothing which bears the slightest resemblance to the 
buildings of huge unworked blocks found in the megalithic area. 
It is true that in Egypt very large blocks of stone were sometimes 
used, but their use was neither original nor essential, while in the 
megalithic monuments it was both. In the supposition that other 
peoples learned the art of using stone from the Egyptians there is 
nothing radically impossible, but that any nation was foolish 
enough to use vast unwieldy blocks of stone where smaller ones 
would have served equally well, just because the Egyptians used 
large blocks in their temples, is incredible. The fact is that 
megalithic architecture is far too vast and homogeneous a system 
to be explained as a mere effort to imitate some already existing 
type of building. Such an explanation will not account for the 
occurrence of such a form as the dolmen, which incidentally has no 
resemblance to any Egyptian building, in countries so far apart 
as Syria and Sweden. Where Professor Elliot Smith's theory 
really fails is in not recognising that in megalithic architecture 
the essential point is the size of the stones. It is hardly possible 
to avoid the conclusion that for the people who built these 
structures great stones themselves had some particular meaning 
and sanctity. The very existence of menhirs of vast size is a 
testimony to the truth of this. The discoveries in the so-called 
temples of Hagiar Eim and Mnaidra in Malta show that pillars of 
stone were there worshipped, * and if great stones had a religious 
value as such, it is natural that they should have been regarded as 
peculiarly fitted for use in building the abodes of the dead. 

* See Evans, Mycenaean tree and pillar euli in J. H. 8., XXI, pp. 196-200 ; Mayr, 
-—«*-—-« Denkmaler von Malta, p. 723. 


Such are the difficulties with which any attempt to explain the 
megalithic monuments as due to trade or similar influences is 
confronted. We are thus driven to adopt the third of our possible 
explanations, namely, that megalithic building was originally the 
property of a single race and was carried from one country to 
another by members of that race in the course of an immense 
migration. If there be any objections to this they are those of 
feeling rather than those of reason. Archaeologists are, perhaps 
rightly, a little nervous about postulating great racial movements 
in early times. Yet the same people are often only too ready to 
assume the existence of long trade routes in these remote periods, 
forgetting that to a great extent trade, for primitive peoples, is a 
luxury, while migration is often a condition of existence. After 
all, there is nothing impossible or even improbable in the idea of 
a great migration covering the whole of the megalithic area. Many 
archaeologists now talk confidently of a very similar but even 
greater migration which gave to the Mediterranean and other parts 
of Europe their early neolithic population. The invasion of Central 
Europe by the so-called Alpine Race is almost an established fact, 
and in mediaeval times the Arabs covered in their great migrations 
a considerable part of the actual megalithic area. 

If such movements as these were borne in mind the idea of a 
migration over so large an area as that postulated would lose its 
terror. After all, the area actually covered is not so large, for in 
most cases it concerns only the coasts. The whole of Central 
Europe is left untouched, and even on the shores of the 
Mediterranean, which must have been somewhere near the centre 
of the movement, large portions of country such as the Aegaean, 
Greece, Thessaly, probably the greater part of the Balkans, the 
whole of Italy except a small corner, and, so far as we know, the 
whole of Asia Minor are entirely unaffected. In Africa the north 
shores alone seem to have been affected. In Asia it is difficult to 
be precise, for exploration is yet in its infancy. Syria and South 
India must certainly be included in the area, and there are 
apparently traces in Persia and elsewhere. We do not know enough 
of the megalithic monuments of Japan* to say whether the 
movement spread as far east as that country, and it is perhaps 

* Archaeolgia, LV, pp. 439 ff. ; Anthrop. Journal, 1907 pp. 10 ff. 


better to reserve judgment until we have further evidence as to 
Japan itself, where incidentally the simple dolmen has not yet 
been found, and as to the countries which separate Japan from 

The criticism which Montelius applied to this migration theory 
in 1897, even if valid at the time, could hardly be considered so 
now.* He says that the builders of the megalithic monuments 
cannot all belong to a single race, for ' in Europe at that time 
dwelt Aryan 8, but the Syrians and Sudanese cannot be Aryans.' 
Now, it may be true that there were Aryans dwelling in Europe 
at the time, but they were not the only race dwelling in Europe. 
Moreover, it is precisely in those parts of Europe where Aryans 
were not living that megalithic monuments appeared, while there 
is no trace of them in the parts where Aryans were living. He 
further asks : * If these forms were built by Aryans, why do they 
fail to appear in so many Aryan lands P' Here he is fighting a 
shadow, for no one supposes that they were built by Aryans, and 
it is precisely because they were not that they do not appear in 
Aryan countries. Similarly, when Montelius asks ' Why do 
megalithic monuments occur among the Kelts of the British Isles 
and France, but not among their close relations in South 
Germany P' we reply that, strictly speaking, they do not occur 
among the Kelts of the British Isles, for they were already there 
when the Kelts came. 

Such, as far as I know, is the only criticism which has been 
made of the migration theory of the megalithic monuments, and 
despite the high authority from which it comes it seems to leave 
the theory quite unscathed. Nevertheless, it seems to have been 
accepted in silence, for since that time until quite lately no voice 
has been raised to protest. Indeed, one of the latest writers on the 
subject, D6chelette,t seems to consider the matter as so certain 
that it needs no discussion, for he says of the single race theory, 
'Anthropological observations have long ago destroyed this risky 
hypothesis.' Unfortunately he is so convinced of this that he omits 
to tell us what those observations are. The only anthropological 
observations which can possibly bear on the question are the 

Orient und Burojxt, p. 30 ft 
t Mcnmel SardUciogie prftistorique cMque * gaUo-romaine, p. 417. 


measurements of the bodies actually found in megalithic tombs. 
Not many measurements have been taken, but those that have 
certainly do not destroy the hypothesis of a single race. On the 
contrary, they rather confirm it. The type of skull found in the 
tombs shows a strong tendency to dolichocephaly. Thus a set of 
skulls from the Algerian dolmens ranged in cephalic index from 
70'5 to 84*4,* the average being 75*27, and most of the skulls lying 
within a few units of that average. Ten skulls from the Hypogeum 
of Halsaflieni in Malta ranged from 66 to 75*1, the average being 
71*84. t A series of British skulls, mostly from long barrows, ran 
from 67 to 7?.+ Similarly the skulls from the Scandinavian 
megalithic tombs are mainly dolichocephalic. In France the type 
seems more variable, especially in the dolmens of Lozere, where 
distinctly brachycephalic heads occur. This fact, so far from 
disproving the idea that the dolmens were spread by a single race, 
is not even surprising, for wherever the megalithic builders went 
they were certain in course of time to become contaminated by 
intermarriage with the other races with which they came in 
contact. In many cases we shall probably never be able to detect 
this contamination, for, as Professor Elliot Smith has rightly 
pointed out, the megalithic builders would in many cases be of 
much the same type as the races with whom they were brought 
face to face. It is precisely in such places as France, where we 
know there were brachycephalic people dwelling at a comparatively 
early period, that we are bound to find traces of intermixture. 
Hence the finding of brachycephalic types in the Lozere does not in 
any way affect the truth of the theory we are here defending. In 
fact, it is doubtful whether any evidence based on the occurrence 
of intrusive types of skull would be really fatal to that theory. If 
we found that the megalithic tombs of one country gave distinctly 
different types from those of another, and that in each country the 
megalithic tombs gave the same types as the non-megalithic types 
of the same period, the single race theory would be endangered. 
What we actually have is, as far as we can judge from very scanty 
observations, a fairly homogeneous type of skull over the whole 

* Faidherbe's measurements, repeated by Maclver in his Libyan Notes, Plates 

t Zammit and Peet, Small objects found in the Hypogeum of Halsaflieni, p. 24. 

I Sergi, Europa. I have not the book by me to give the page reference. 


area examined, with intrusive exceptions in France; and this is 
precisely what our theory would lead us to expect. The occurrence 
of ' Giza traits ' in one or two of the Algerian skulls to which 
Professor Elliot Smith refers is in complete harmony with his own 
theory of the spread of the ' Giza race ' in the Mediterranean. * 

In suggesting a single place of origin for the monuments, we 
perhaps lay ourselves open to a request to say where such place of 
origin was. Montelius conceived the dolmen as coming from the 
east, i.e., from Asia, and he has been generally followed. Reinach, 
in his remarkable paper Le Mirage Oriental, protested against this, 
and suggested that the megalithic monuments arose in North 
Europe. t He argued that the earliest types, such as the dolmen, 
occurred most frequently in Scandinavia and became rarer as one 
moved south. This last statement is true of Germany, but it goes 
no further, for the simple dolmen was known even at that time in 
South Italy, and it has since been found in Malta and Sardinia. 
The argument sometimes urged that the movement was from north 
to south, because in France the more northerly monuments are 
neolithic in date while the more southerly belong to the copper age, 
is fallacious, because copper may well have been introduced into 
the south of France earlier than into the north. 

Mackenzie seems inclined to suggest North Africa as the original 
home of the megalithic monument .J It is possible that he is right 
in this, and that, just as in the early neolithic period, some natural 
phenomenon, perhaps the decrease of rainfall in what is now the 
Sahara, drove the hordes of North Africa into the islands of the 
Mediterranean and into Europe, so, at the end of that period, a 
further decrease produced a second great migration and gave us the 
megalithic monuments. Yet, however probable this may seem, it 
remains, and perhaps always will remain, in the region of 

There are many points in connection with the megalithic 
monuments which are not yet clear, and probably never will be. 
The present paper is nothing more than an attempt to account for 
the facts as we have them. Future discoveries may enable us to 

* Ancient Egyptians, p. 158-9. 

t In Anthropologic, 1893, pp. 557 ff. 

X Papers of the British School of Rome, V, p. 136. 


pronounce more definitely. One thing, However, is certain, namely, 
that in this question a priori reasoning based on insufficient 
knowledge of the facts can never lead to truth. It would place 
discussion on a much higher level, would all those who wish to take 
part in it begin by making a minute study of such works as those 
of Pinza, Taramelli, Nissardi and Mackenzie on Sardinia, or of 
those of Zammit, Tagliaferro and Ashby on Malta, to mention only 
two small regions of the great area in which megalithic monuments 






In the last volume of these Annals (pp. 138-144) I submitted 
a note on a type of fibula of the Early Iron Age, apparently 
peculiar to Cyprus, but derived, as I ventured to suggest, from 
one of those western types of fibula — called fibula serpeggiante, 
fibula a gomito, by Italian archaeologists — which have one or more 
loops in the bow in addition to a spring coil at the junction of 
bow and pin. 

The transition from an elastic loop of this kind to a solid knob 
seemed to me to be recorded in one extant example of this type 
(now in the Cesnola Collection in New York), which has the solid 
knob hollowed on either side as if to copy the inner surface of 
such a loop. This detail conveys the impression that the maker 
of this fibula had not yet wholly forgotten that this part of the 
bow was properly intended to be elastic. 

Since that note was published, another example of this type 
has been acquired by the Ashmolean Museum from Dr. Max 
Ohnefalsch-Eichter, who obtained it from a native of Cyprus, 
together with a small pair of bronze tweezers which seems to be 
Graeco-Roman. He was not able, however, to learn any trust- 
worthy account of its discovery. By the kindness of the Keeper 
of the Ashmolean Museum, I am permitted to publish it here. 

The interest of this example is that it represents a stage of 
degeneration intermediate between that of the New York fibula 
{Annals III, PI. XXXII, 8) and the commoner variety 
(PI. XXXII, 4-7) in which the knob is pear-shaped or olive-shaped, 
and has no lateral hollows. Here, though the hollow exists, it no 
longer has the form of a loop, but is circular in plan, and a shallow 
cone in cross-section. The maker, that is, seems to have intended 
to copy a fibula like that in New York, but did not understand 
the meaning of the lateral hollows, and used the simplest means — 
an obtuse-angled drill — to produce the same general effect. From 


this stage it was but a small step to omit the hollow altogether, 
as in the common variety; a fragmentary example of which, from 
the Cypriote tomb which I published in Annals, Vol. Ill, 
pp. 107-117, was the occasion of my former note on this type of 

In the course of a long correspondence about this fibula and 
other matters, Dr. Ohnefalsch-Richter has called my attention to 
three points in my former note. 

(1) He thinks that I ought to have quoted explicitly some 
remarks on this type of Cypriote fibula from his paper in the 
Zeitschrift fur Eihnologie XXX, 1899, p. 342, cf. fig. xxv. At 
his request I give this reference now, but I am still under the 
impression that the eighteen lines which he devotes to this type in 
the Zeitschrift are in essentials an expansion of our joint work in 
the Cyprus Museum Catalogue (Oxford, 1899), p. 138; and this 
I duly quoted {Annals, Vol. Ill, p. 139, note 1).* 

(2) He thinks that I ought to have quoted explicitly his 
remarks in the same paper (pp. 330-1, fig. xxii, see also p. 36) on 
the Cypriote tomb, now in the Leipzig Museum, which I discussed 
in Annals, Vol. Ill, pp. 107-117. I am sorry that I omitted to do 
so; and particularly that I omitted to verify the assurance which 
I had from him formerly, that the tomb was unpublished, and 
that, though he intended to publish it himself, in a long delayed 
volume, I was free in the meanwhile to write about it if I pleased. 
At his request I name now this previous * publication ' of the 
tomb — it occupies just twenty-five lines on pp. 331-2 of his paper. 
I take also this opportunity of referring the reader to my former 
note, in which Dr. Ohnefalsch-Richter's former interest in this 
tomb was in fact fully acknowledged. 

(3) He also thinks that I ought to have mentioned, in 
connexion with this tomb, an essay on the Sigynnae by George 
Colonna-Ceccaldi, published in his Monuments antiques de Chypre, 
de Syrie, et de VEgypte, 8vo, Paris, 1882. I am the more glad 
to make good this omission, because I know the book well, and 
have a high respect for the memory of Ceccaldi. But Ceccaldi's 

* On reading his paper again, I find that in a footnote (I.e. note 3) he compares 
ian fibulae, quoting B. Pata 
gives no details or explanation. 

Sicilian fibulae, quoting B. Patroni, BuU. Paleln. Ital., 1896, p. 32, fig. 30, but he 


suggestions about the Sigynnae did not seem to me to be of much 
value, and as I was not conscious that I owed anything to his 
essay, I did not see any need to quote it, in discussing a type oi 
spear which had not been discovered when he wrote. After reading 
it again, I think so still; but at Dr. Ohnefalsch-Richter's urgent 
request, I take the first opportunity of calling public attention to 
it: regretting only that, if it really anticipates later studies, 
Dr. Ohnefalsch-Richter did not himself quote it when ho 
1 published ' this tomb in 1899. 





On certain examples of the Decorated* Pottery of Prehistoric 
Egypt are found drawings of ships t with emblems or cult-objects 
figured at their mast-head (fig. 1). These ships are apparently 

Fia. 1. Decorated Vase (Newbsrry Collection). 

* On this class of Pottery see Petrie, Diotpolis Parva, p. 16. 

t When drawing! of these objects were first described and published objections 
re raited to identifying them aa boats (Cecil Torr, Stir qvdqua vritendtu nara're* 
■' — '" r Anthropologic Ix [1890], p. 33). Bat, aa Prof. Petrie remarks 'the 
much larger and more elaborate paintings on the walls of a tomb at 
Hierakonpolis [Hicrakanpolit II, pi. LXXV] have abundantly proved that we have hers 
the earliest shipping yet known ' (Diorpolis Parva, p. 15). be Morgan (Recherche* sur 
a origina dc VEgyptt I, 1896, p. 161)) Bchweinfurth {Onunaentik dtr iilttilen Ctdtur- 
Epoch JEayfteru in V erhandltingen dcr b. QttdixK. fur Anthropologic, Ethnologic und 
Urgachiehtt, 1897, p. 400) ; Capart [La debut dc FArt en Egypt', 1904, p. 108) ; and 
most other Egyptologists agree that these drawings represent boats. Loret, however 
in the Annalci da mmft Ouimrt, XIX [1906], pp. 173-175, still refuses to admit them to 
be boats and asserts that they are villages with shrines. The drawing that he gives of 
one of these objects (p. 175, fig. 1) has been, it should be pointed oat, adapted to suit 
his theory for he has actually omitted to show the tying-up rope at the prow and the 
three steering oars at the stern (I) and in place of the Elephant ensign he gives the 
Harpoon. Bis interpretation of the design given in fig. 3, p. 17G, is based on this 
Inacourate drawing and is, therefore, most misleading. The particular boat that he 
figures I give in fig. 2, and I would advise those interested in the matter to oompare my 
tracing with Loret's drawing. 


large vessels or galleys with from twenty to sixty pairs of oars 
apiece. The prow of each vessel is decorated with one or more 
tree branches stuck upright upon it, and hanging from the prow is 
shown, in several instances, the end of the tying-up rope. At the 
stern, in two examples, are figured large steering oars (fig. 2). 

Fio. 2. Boat on a Vase in the Aahmolean Museum. 

Amidships each boat has two deck-cabins, and at the back of the 
aft-cabin is shown a pole, on top of which an emblem or cult- 
object is fixed; from near the top of, or from half-way up, the 
pole, two pendants are suspended. These poles correspond to the 
poles or ' perches ' which were surmounted by sacred emblems in 
historic times, and the two pendants then appear as leopards 9 tails 
(fig. 3). From the fact that these ships carry sacred emblems 


Fig. 3. The Sacred Perch. 

there can be little doubt that they were sacred vessels used by the 
priests of a cult for the gods' journeys or visitations up or down 
river: that such visitations were of common occurrence, especially 
in early times, is proved by the inscriptions on the Palermo Stone, $ 
where a ' visitation ' is given as the principal event of certain years 
of the reigns of kings of the First Dynasty. The form of these 

\ Sohifer, Ein BruchHtick AUdgyptische AnnaUn, p. 8. 


•acred boats on the Palermo Stone is shown in fig. 4, and alongside 
I give a drawing of the Manset-barqne of Ba as it appears in the 
Pyramid Texts. It will be noted that in the latter we have the two 
deck-cabins with Falcons on their perches above them. The brick 
substructure for a large sacred vessel, dating from the reign of 

Fig. 4. SteredBoats: (a) Palermo Stone; (6) Pyramid Texts 

Ne-woser-re, was cleared by Borchardt at Abusir in 1901. | In 
later times models of these sacred boats were constructed and were 
carried in procession by the priests at religious festivals. In one 
case a model of the prehistoric ship with the cult-sign upon it 
survives into historic times ; this is in the ensign of the Seventh Nome 
of Lower Egypt, which represents a harpoon and boat surmounting 
the sacred perch (fig. 5). 

Pro. 5. Emblem of the Harpoon Nome. 

The vases upon which these prehistoric cult-signs are drawn 
have been found in graves from Kostamneh in Nubia in the south, 
to Giseh in the north; they are very rare, and the average is 
perhaps not more than two or three per thousand graves explored. 
They belong to a class that is made of a peculiar kind of pottery, 
which in paste, colouring and decoration is unlike any other 
pottery that has been found in the Nile Valley.* So foreign does 
it appear that Professor Petrie at first suggested that the pottery 
was probably imported from some other people, t i.e., from a 
people outside Egypt. About one hundred and sixty of these vases 
have figures of boats drawn cm their bowls ; sometimes only one 

f A.Z. XXXIX, p. 5, Abb. 4~ 
• Petrie, Naqada, p. 10. 
t ibid-, p. 40. 


boat is figured on a vase, sometimes there are two, three, or even 
four boats depicted on the same vase. ' The great boats or galleys 
with long banks oi oars show that the makers of these vases were 
not an inland people of the oases, but dwelt on some large river or 
sea.'+ Often we see on them, and on other vases of the 
' Decorated ' class, one or more birds figured ; these birds have 
been generally supposed to be ostriches, but the curved beak, which 
is very characteristic of them, shows that they really represent 
flamingoes (fig. 6). The flamingo is an extremely local bird; it 

Fio. 6. The Flamingo. The figure on the left is from a Prehistorio Vaie. 

seldom occurs in Upper Egypt, but is abundant in the region of 
the Delta Lakes. On these vases we also find depicted stretches 
of water and lines of pointed hills or sand-dunes, which suggest 
hilly or sandy country like that along the western and northern 
edges of the Delta. These three points indicate at once a country 
like Lower Egypt, and when we examine the cult-signs of the 
boats we see that these point Delta-wards also. 

A list of all the cult-signs which appear on these vases is given 
on pp. 137-142. On the one hundred and fifty-nine that I have 
catalogued there are two hundred and eighty-eight figures of boats 
with cult-signs. Of these, one hundred and sixteen bear the 
' Harpoon' ensign, sixty-six the 'Hill' ensign, and fourteen the 
'Crossed Arrows' ensign. These cults all survive into historic 
times — the ' Harpoon ' is the ensign of the Seventh Nome of Lower 
Egypt, the ' Hill ' was the early ensign of the Sixth Nome, and the 
' Crossed Arrows ' was the ensign of the Fourth and Fifth Nome 
of Lower Egypt. Thus it will be seen that out of the two hundred 
and eighty-eight boats with cult-signs, no less than one hundred 
and ninety-six belong to the Western half of the Delta. Twenty- 
two boats bear the ' Tree ' or ' Tree-branch ' ensign, which, as I 

t ibid., p. 40. 


have shown elsewhere,* was the early colt-object of Herackleopolia. 
Nine boats bear the ' Thunderbolt ' ensign of Ekhmim. The 
Falcon on a curved perch appears at the mast-head of three boats, 
and this ensign undoubtedly represents the later Falcon of 
Hieraconpolis. The Elephant, which is found on a single vase, 
was perhaps the cult-animal of the people of Elephantine. 

Besides the cult-signs already mentioned, and which we can 
locate with comparative certainty, there are also a few others which, 
unfortunately, we cannot be so sure about. On one boat there is 
over the aft-cabin a ' Harpoon,' and over the fore-cabin a ' Goat ' ; 
these two are found again on a prehistoric dagger handle in the 
Cairo Museum (fig. 7). The Goat is shown standing on the top of 

Cult signs on a Veae (MaoGrsgor Coll.). Colt Signs on Dagger Handle (Cain Una . 

Pro. T 
the fore-cabin, and may possibly represent a cult-animal: if this 
be so, then it is perhaps tbe Goat of Mendee. The ' Throw-stick ' 
as an ensign upon a pole appears on three boats; this cult-object 
reappears in historic times as tbe deity Methen, who is mentioned 
in the Pyramid Tezts,t and whose name is again found in a few 
theophorous personal names on stelae of the late Middle Kingdom.* 
Four cult-Higns I cannot trace into historic times. These are: — 
the (1 jP which occurs on thirty-six boats ; the *F which is found 
on eleven; the ty on three; and the *f on one. The latter ensign 
is certainly not the later ha, for no hands are indicated. 
(To be continued.) 

• A.Z. XLIX. 

f Ed. Betha 953, and tee also Spiegelberg, Rte. 16, 2T. 

I Cairo, Cat. gtn. 20048, 20065, eto. 




The following Collections contain one or more of these Vases, and I should 
be grateful if any Collectors who own specimens not included in my list 
would send me particulars of them. For notes on the examples in the 
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, and in the Boston Museum, I am 
indebted to Mr. A. C. Mace; and for notes of those at Brussels, I have to 
thank Monsieur Capart. The specimens in other collections I have catalogued 
myself. The abbreviations are used to denote the various collections in my 
list of Cult-signs: the small figure placed after the Collection number 
(«.</., Brist. 100 3 ) signifies that the cult-sign is figured on the vase two 2 or 
three 3 times. 

Ashm. = The Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. 

Behrens = Randolph Behren's Collection at South Kensington. 

Berl. = The Egyptian Museum at Berlin. 

Bootle = The Museum at Bootle, Lancashire. 

Boston » The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, U.S.A. 

Brist. = The Museum at Bristol. 

Brit, e The British Museum. 

Bros. = The Royal Museum, Brussels. 

Cairo = The Cairo Museum. 

Dattari = G. Dattari's Collection, Cairo. 

Edinb. = The Archaeological Museum, Edinburgh. 

Guimet » The Guimet Museum, Paris. 

Kelek » D. Kelekian's Collection, Paris. 

L. -i The Egyptian Museum of the Louvre. 

L.-Smith a Linton Smith's Collection, Blundellsands, Lancashire. 

Leyden * The Ley den Museum. 

LI A. = The Institute of Archaeology of the University of Liverpool. 

Lyons = Palais des Arts, Lyons. 

Mane. = The Manchester Museum. 

MG. = W. MacGregor's Collection, Tarn worth. 

MMA. = Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 

Murch = The Murch Collection (now at Chicago). 

Newb. = P. E. Newberry's Collection, Liverpool. 

Petrie = Flinders Petrie's Collection, University College, London. 

Bea ■= James Ilea's Collection, Eskdale, Cumberland, 




Ashm. 1895/57*, 1895/006 
BerL 13061. 13828. 14166 

14361. 14363* 
Brut. 100*. 226* 
Brit. A 16703*. 26636* 

26667*. 36326 
Bras. 1715 ( = Naqada 862), 

1931 (= Naqada 810) 
Cairo. 11666. 11667* 
Edinb. 600 
Guimet. One 
LIA. Three* 
HG. 3370* 

Mano. One* ( - Naqada 662) 
MMA. 07/228/134. Two 

March. One* 
Newb. Three* 
Petrie. One* 
Cairo and Luxor Dealers. 


Brut. 225 
Cairo. One 
LIA. One 

MMA. 07/228/60 and another 
Petrie. One 
Rea. One 

Luxor and Cairo Dealers. 

*Y%lii Bed- 14362 
L ^ Cairo. 11560 


Leyden A m. 82 

Cairo Dealer. One 

*^» lifM Brit. A. 36328. 
HG. 3367 
MMA. One 

fe L MG. 3367 


Brit. 36328 

Petrie (= Naqada LXVH. 12 
from Abydos) . 


Ashm. (« Dio§poKs Parva 

XX. 11) 
Boston. 09/712 

«- *. • ..» 

^T^X DiospoHs Parra XX. 9 


Ashm. 1895/600/1209 (» 
Naqada LXVH. 11). 
Another Naqada LXVI. 7 

BerL 12gl0 


Bootle. One 

Cairo. One 

MG. 3369 

Naqada LXYU. 7 

Newb. Two 

Cairo and Luxor Dealers. Four 

^^^ J*fc Ashm. 1895/595/1268 (« 
|T T-* Diospolis Parva XX. 
P ^ 1*2) 

Mano. 5299 (Gerceh 
MMA. 07/228/125 
Cairo Dealers. Three 

*T* jJ* #«$«*« LXVI. 3 


Dattari. One 

Leyden. A. III. 69 

Luxor Dealer. One 

jj ft £\ UA. One 

T^TT Na9aia LXVL 8 

MG. 3493 

Behrens. One* 

Brist. 88* {=ElAmrah XIV. 
f&D. .51) 104 




Brit. 86327* 
Cairo. One* 
Kelek. One* 
UA. One* 

Mane. One* (« Naqada 1840) 
Petrie. One* 

Cairo and Luxor Dealers. 

Naqada hXVh 4 






yH t%W BerL 18822 
T*Y* Brit. 80920 
P ^ DiospoKs Parva XX. 
Newb. One 

Aflhm. 1895/570, 1805/578/ 

1680 ( - Naqada LXVH. 13) 
LIA. One 

Brit. 30020 
Kelek. One* 





Naqada hXVL 5 

Newb. One 

Brit. 85502 




Aahm. 1806/577/1878 (< 
MqacbLXVL 10) 

LIA. One 
Petrie. One 

BOCA. One 

Berl. 10U 

LIA. One* 
MMA. One* 

LIA. One 




Petrie (« Naqada LXVL 
from Abydos) 

Naqada ULTL. 

Petrie. One 

BerL 18824. 188281 
Brist. 164 
Cairo. Three 
L.-Smith. One 
Mane. 8759 (Edfu) 
MMA. Two (one with*) 
Petrie. One 
Rea. One* 

• Where names of the CoUeotions are not 
whkh the cult-signs ooeur ; the Museum 
(**, for the ekren examples of M «|j% 

given, the numbers refer to the number of 

will be found under the second cult-sign figured 





r^/ /** Aahm. 20/5/1891 

T^ T^* Brist. One (El Amrah ?) 

I* 1^ Brit. 26636 




y 7 

BerL 13227 

DuvpoUs Parva XX. 4( 
Brirt. 164) 

MMA. 07/228/136 
Petrie. Two (one with 1 ) 
L. One 




i» BerL 14317 

MMA. 07/228/126 
Naqada LXVl. 6 

%&6 A * * r> Cairo, One 

None alone 








Naqada LXVL 9 


Newb. One 


BerL One 
Newb. One 





None alone 


March. One 1 





Ashm. 1805/684* ( = Naqada 
LXVH. 14) 



Ashm. One* (- DioipoUs 
ParvaXVL 41) 

Newb. (Kortamneh). 



Total number of Vases catalogued 159. Number of boats figured 288. 




r » f i 


Occurs alone on 38 Vases with 65 boats. 

with other cult-signs on 51. Total 116. 

alone on 22. 

with other cult-signs on 44. Total 66. 

alone on 6. 

with others on 8. Total 14. 

alone on 12. 

with others on 24. Total 36. 

alone on 4. 

with others on 8. Total 12. 

not found alone. 

with others on 22. Total 22. 

alone on 2. 

with others on 7. Total 9. 

^■■>:':<^hZ:;ZJ^^%, %). r 

Ooours with others on 8. Total 8. 

alone on 1. 

with others on 2. Total 8. 

alone on 2. Total 2. 

alone on 3. Total 3, 

with another on 1. Total 1. 

with another on 1. Total 1. 




Abydos (Egypt), Vase of Minoan fabric from 

Aohaoans, the— 1, 7, 10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 20 
Adams, W. J. Phythian— 63, 71 
Akaiuasha, the — 20 
Amber— 18 

Amenemhat HE, King— 109, 110 
Anatolia— 20 
Armour, Homeric — 1 
Arrow-heads, Homeric — 13 

„ Myoenaean — 13 

Aspelut, King— 81, 82 
Augustas, Head of, from Meroe — 83 

Barnard, Professor F. P.— 21, 07 

Beattie, Hamilton— 63, 71 

Boats figured on Pottery of Prehistoric Egypt 

Breastplates, Homeric— 9 
Burial, Homeric modes of — 15 

Casting Counters or Jettons — 21, 07 

Cattle, Homeric— 14 

Chariot wheels, Homerio — 13 

„ „ Late Mycenaean — 13 

Copper— 119, 120, 122 
„ in Egypt— 122 

Corselets, Homerio — 9 

Counting boards — 62 

Cremation — 16 

Crete— 10, 16, 17, 18, 111 

Curium— 10, 11 

Cults of Prehistoric Egypt— 132-141 

The Bent Arm and Hand— 136 

The Crossed Arrows— 135, 139 

The Elephant— 136, 141, 142 

The Falcon— 136, 141, 142 

The Goat-136, 138, 142 

The Harpoon— 135, 136, 138 

The Hill or Mountain— 135, 138, 139 

The Throwstick— 136, 140, 141, 142 

The Thunderbolt— 136, 140 

The Tree or Tree-branch— 135, 140 

Unidentified— 136, 141 

Cyprus— 2, 8, 10, 11, 18, 19 





Deoorated Pottery of Prehistoric Egypt— 132 
Diuylon Vases 3, 7, 17, 18 
Dolmens, see Megalithio Monuments. 
Dorian Shield— 19 
Dress, Homerio— 10 



Egypt, Copper in — 122 

Cults of Prehistorio— 132, 137 

Iron in — 18 

Nome signs of — 134 
Egyptian Influence in Myoenaean Art — 18 
Enkomi— 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 19 
Ergamenes— 82, 83 

Fibula, A Cypriote— 129 
Fibulae— 10, 11, 16, 18 
Flamingo figured in Prehistoric Egyptian 
Pottery— 135 

Garstang, Professor J.— 63, 73, 107 
Geometno Period — 3, 5, 9, 15, 16 
Girdle of Rameses HI— 84 
Glasinatz— 8, 19 
Greaves, Homerio — 7 

Hagia Triadha— 9, 14 

Hair, Dressing of, in Homeric times— 13 

Hall,H. R~— 12 

Helbig, Professor— 6, 9, 19 

Helmets, Homerio— 8 

Hittites-46, 66, 67 

Homerio Armour— 1 

Hor-ma-tileq, King— 81 

Ialysus — 2 

Iron, Use of, in Homer* — 3, 12 

Jadeite— 119 

Jettons or Casting Counters— 21, 97 

Jobba Eyuk-45, 68 

KakoTatos— 6 
Kavousi— 6, 8, 17 
Kefridi* Eyuk—45 

Lee, Thorold D.- 
Lewis, A. A.— 113 
linen Girdle of Rameses III— 84 
Luka,The— 20 
Lyoia— 19, 20 

Megalithic Monuments — 112 



at Ala Safat, Syria— 116 
at An w ** 1 '™ l>m ""«'» — 115 
at Caithness 115 


Mcgalithio Monument* — 



„ Algeria— 117, 118 



„ the Balearic Islands — 
114,115,118, 121 



„ the British Isles— 1 16, 1 18 




„ Bulgaria— 118 
„ the Caucasus— 116 



„ Cornwall— 116 



„ Corsica— 116, 118 



„ the Crimea — 117 



„ the Deccan, Indian — 115 



„ France— 116, 118, 119 



„ Germany— 115, 116, 118 



„ Holland— 115 



„ India— 116 



„ Ireland — 115 



„ Isle of Man— 116 



„ Italy— 118 



„ Japan— 112, 118 



„ Lampedusa — 118 



„ Malta— 115, 118, 123 



„ Morocco — 118 



„ Palestine — 116 



„ Persia — 118 



„ Portugal— 118 



„ Sardinia— 114-118, 121 



„ Scandinavia — 115, 116, 



„ Spain— 116, 118, 122 



„ Sweden — 116 



„ Syria— 115, 116 



„ Tripoli— 118 



„ Tunis— 118 

Mackenzie, Dr. — 1, 17, 127 
Mal-neqen, King — 81 
Markopoulo— 3 
Megaron fresco— 2 
Menidi — 9 
Meroe— 73-83 

Classical Temple— 76 

Roman Baths— 75 

Royal Baths— 77 

Royal City— 74 

Sun Temple— 82 

Temple of Amon — 82 
Isis— 82 

Minoan Period, The— 7, 10-12, 17-19, 107 
Mirrors, Mycenaean — 18 
Muliana — 3, 5, 6, 15 
Mycenae— 1, 2, 5-9, 11, 13 
Mycenaean Age — 1, 2, 17, 107 
Art— 1, 2, 10 
Craters— 2 
Tomb— 1 
Myres, Professor J. L. — 129 

Nauplia— 2, 3, 8, 15 

Xuraghi, The, of Sardinia— 114, 117, 121 

Pears, Sir Edwin— 64 

Peet, T. E.— 112 

Phaistos disk, The— 7, 19 

Rameses III, linen Girdle of — 84 
Reckoning Cloth, The— 62 
Rhodes— 18 
Ridgeway, Professor— 4, 6, 8-11, 19 

Sagalassi, The— 20 
Sakje Geuzi— 63 
Salamis— 14, 16, 17 
Sardians, The— 20 
Savoe, Professor A. H. — 73 
Sohliemann, Dr. — 1, 3 
Senmut, Tomb of— 12 
Senusret III, King— 109, 110 
Seat, The, of Pantelleria— 114 
Shakalasha, The— 20 
Shardina, The— 19, 20 
Shields, Dorian — 19 

„ Homeric— 6, 17, 19 

„ Mycenaean — 6, 19 
Sinjerli— 67 

Smith, Professor Elliot— 112, 122, 127 
Songrus Eyuk— 64, 65 
Spata— 9 
Spears, Homeric — 8 

„ Mycenaean — 8 
Swords, Homeric— 12 



Tolayots of the Balearic Islands— 114, 121 

Theotokou— 16 

Thompson, Maurice S. — 1 

Tiryns— 3 

Turquoise— 119 

Turusha, The— 20 

Tylissians, The— 20 

Vaphio Tomb— 5 

Vase of Minoan Fabric from Abydos — 107 

• Warrior ' Vase— 1-3, 7-11 
Wilkin, Dr. Arthur— 63 


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."..JtLATE III. 



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LftfrfOtl A.A.A . Vol. V. 



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.--. PLATE XV. 


*-»-l '■' ■*- "*■ * PLATE XVI. 








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